Categories
Mediawatch Politics

They cannot kill us all

 

Eleonora has had to be particularly patient with me in the past two days. It must not be easy having a brooding, melancholic zombie walking around the house. I still find myself unable to string coherent words together about what has just happened. Unable on a personal plane, unable on a political plane. Until this period of shock and grief is over I am thankful to have someone like Eleonora beside me. Someone who understands and clearly expresses what we are going through. We, as in her newly adopted second home that is fast turning from a fairy tale paradise into a pirate island of darkness and misery. Here is Eleonora’s post on facebook today.

I would like this opportunity to thank all my colleagues at work from all nations who have sent me private messages of solidarity. I wish to be able to convey this kind of understanding to many of my fellow citizens – the same citizens in whom I had lost faith already a few months ago and who I will hopefully strive to win over to the new battle for change starting from the coming days. 

 

This week I’ve received A LOT of messages of friends expressing their sorrow and shock for what has happened to Mrs Caruana Galizia last Monday.

As an Italian citizen whose partner is a Maltese citizen (sorry, Gozitan), obviously I felt the emotional blow that followed the announcement of her tragic murder. On the one hand, being Italian my mind immediately recalled the death machine that took the life of Judge Giovanni Falcone in Capaci back in 1992. A car exploding, a major quantity of explosive probably detonated by someone/something operating a remote control, a road that will be left for long with a crater and a country mourning one of its most important and controversial public figures. We Italians have unfortunately developed a special awareness when it comes to this kind of events. On the other hand, I am also getting acquainted with “my country-in-law” and therefore I knew who Daphne was, what her work consisted of and how it was perceived among the Maltese population.

But it struck me when I realized that I wasn’t the only non-Maltese-citizen genuinely feeling for the “desperate situation” in which Malta finds itself right now. Colleagues and friends, they all sent a text over the past days to express their sorrow for what happened to Daphne. Why is that?

At first I considered it very strange, because usually everybody tends to undermine the role played by the smallest EU country or its potential. People actually make fun of the fact that such a small country manages to sit at a table together with Frau Merkel and Mr Juncker. Then I thought that perhaps all this empathy was due to the fact that the brutal way in which the murder has been carried out had caught the attention of the usual crime-news-audience.

But I was mistaken.

Friends who are writing me simply need to share their emotions, to express their shock, and want me to convey their sympathy to my partner. I realized that they are doing this because they too have been affected by this tremendous assassination. Because I am he as you are he as you are me and we are all together.
We, people living in the long-awaited Area of Freedom, Security and Justice simply cannot conceive that an investigative journalist is murdered, let alone in this brutal manner, because of her ideas. Also our rights as human beings, our fundamental freedoms have been violated by this savage act. Because we’re no longer Maltese citizens, Italian citizens, German citizens. We’re Europeans, we’re citizens of this world, and we all feel for each other, especially when these events occur.

Now it’s the time to ask ourselves: what of this stream of emotions? Will we just burst out our sorrow, feel for the family of Mrs Caruana Galizia and watch from far what will be done to bring to justice those who are responsible for this?

I think that it’s important that Maltese citizens feel that we all will not immediately forget what’s happened and, in a broader perspective, what’s happening in and to this country. It may sound too obvious, but keeping in the public eye the events that will follow what happened to Daphne will allow all those who are now protesting in the streets and calling for a more democratic society to feel that they are not alone, that they still have our support and that they are claiming something that we all deem essential. A Maltese citizent told me today that you can assess what’s the status of the rule of law in Malta by seeing what will be the follow up of this tragic murder. Let’s make sure we all follow closely what will happen now.

Because as Judge Rocco Chinnici (also murdered by a car bomb parked in front of his domicile) said when he first envisaged the establishment of the antimafia pool, “they can kill one, two of us, but they cannot kill us all”.

Categories
Mediawatch Politics

Blood on their hands

 

On any other day this facebook post would have been taken up and pasted onto the Running Commentary. The blog is no more but the spirit not only lives on but will grow. I am reproducing this post here with the kind permission of its author Justin Borg Barthet. 

We don’t know who ordered the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia. Perhaps we never will.

But there’s blood on your hands, Prime Minister. You systematically destroyed the institutions which would have protected journalists from the violence of those who feared the truth. You emasculated a police force, and you reprogrammed the constitutional order to eliminate the rule of law. There’s blood on your hands, Prime Minister.

There’s blood on your hands too, Leader of the Opposition. Your political career is built on the dehumanisation of a journalist, on the weakening of the truths for which she stood, on the removal of the support of people who stood between her and yesterday’s events. There’s blood on your hands, Leader of the Opposition.

There’s blood on your hands, Attorney General. I have never addressed your omissions before for fear that my voice would be amplified undeservedly. Not now. I don’t know if it is cowardice, promise of preferment, or plain lucre which has made you remiss in your constitutional duties. But chances are, had you done your job properly, a journalist, a mother, a wife, a sister, would still be with us. Her murderers would be in prison. There’s blood on your hands, Attorney General.

There’s blood on your hands too Police Commissioner. But about you, least said soonest mended.

Categories
Mediawatch

Black Monday

“Chi ha paura muore ogni giorno, chi non ha paura muore una volta sola.” – Paolo Borsellino

 

Categories
Mediawatch

Leader of the Opposition

Adrian Delia is frantically fighting a race against time. It has become increasingly evident that his gamble for leadership of the nationalist party did not include the foresight or plan that would account for the fact that he needs to find a way to get into parliament. This lack of foresight does not bode well for the nationalist party – that it is lead by someone unable to make the most simple of calculations is not exactly a bright light for the future. If my sources are right, plan B for Delia and his entourage seems to be the harassing of a number of MPs that are judged as most likely to want (or to be forced) to give up their seat and make way for the half-heartedly anointed one. It is a clumsy and roundabout way of doing things that jars conspicuously with the declared marketing of TeamDelia of wanting to unite the party behind Adrian as quickly as possible.

Unwitting supporters have even been asked to turn their guns onto the PD as though the damned coalition meant that the Democratic Party owed the Nationalist Party anything other than collaboration in parliament against the forces of corruption. Kudos to Marlene Farrugia who has strongly retorted that she will not be turned in this respect and that the PD will jump at any chance to take the place of any MP who chooses to call it quits and force a by-election. Of course Delia and his team will choose to take this opportunity to ride roughshod over the concept of coalition and collaboration – hatred of anything the coalition was about is after all one of the hallmarks of Delia’s New Way. So much for a deeper understanding of the changes that are necessary in the way politics is made.

But what about the Holy Grail position of the Leader of the Opposition? Well, constitutionally we are in a bit of a conundrum. First of all, none of the conditions that create a vacancy of the position of Leader of Opposition (Article 90(3) of the Constitution) has been fulfilled so technically since Simon Busuttil is still a member of the House of Representatives and consequently has not vacated the position. Let us assume that by informing the President of his intention to no longer lead the nationalist party, Simon Busuttil has de facto given up his place as Leader of the Opposition that he occupied under the terms of 90(2)(a) of the Constitution. In that case, until Delia manages to find a way into Parliament we can try to see who can legitimately fill that constitutional role come the 1st of October. Whichever scenario you take, whether it is under article 90(2)(a) (the MP who leads the opposition party with the largest number of members) or under article 90(4) (If, in the judgment of the President, a member of the House of Representatives other than the Leader of the Opposition, has become the Leader in the House of the opposition party having the greatest numerical strength in the House) – in both cases the Leader of the Opposition is (a) a member of the house and (b) commands/leads the largest number of opposition members. In the absence of the party leader (Adrian Delia) the obvious constitutional choice until the dilemma is solved is to nominate the Deputy Leader for Parliamentary matters (Mario DeMarco) as the Leader of the Opposition.

Sure, it can be a strange situation where the Leader of the Party is not the same person as the Leader of the Opposition but this does not mean that it cannot and will not work. As I said, Delia should have foreseen this situation before he decided to throw in his name as a leadership candidate. It’s not like he was not asked the question as from the start of his campaign. Even a minimum of constitutional knowledge would have told him that no MP on any side of the house owes any party anything. The seats are not theirs to give – they have been elected by their constituents and owe them the duty of representation. Giving up that seat for a man who only three months ago was unwilling to represent any part of the nation would be a betrayal of their constituents of the highest order.

I am quite sure that in the end one MP will be found who will give in to the heavy handed tactics of TeamDelia. It does not bode well at all though. It is one thing to elbow your way into the leadership of a party, it is another altogether to bulldoze your way into a constitutional position without the least bit of deference to the constitutional principles that underlie a constitutional democracy.

 

 

Categories
Campaign 2017

La elección nos absolverá.

 

For a fleeting moment, during a run up to an election and even after its inevitable aftermath, the nationalist party (and the wider coalition that had been formed) had seemed to be the best option to fight corruption and begin the much needed process of constitutional change. We were conscious that this was a work in progress. The gamble on Simon Busuttil’s PN and Marlene Farrugia’s PD was in many ways dictated by circumstance. Other advocates for change were not convinced even by this coalition. They expected, rightly or wrongly, an even greater change than a party that seemed to be led by a leader who seemed to have had a last minute damascene vision and another leader who seemed (in their opinion) to have turned one time too many. In the fog of “war” that is an electoral campaign we had not time to count these losses – though their opinion and vote was important: they too, after all want the real change.

Winners, they say, write history and the losers of elections are condemned to confused assessments and the interpretation of garbled information. The new parliament got a confused PD partner sending the wrong messages to anybody who had hoped that the coalition would serve its purposes. Marlene Farrugia, having made history as the first representative of a third party to be elected to parliament for a very long time, segued into a rosary of mixed messages that betrayed a lack of identity, a loss of sense of purpose and – to a large extent – showed her up as unable to use the tools of democracy in order to achieve her purpose.

The Nationalist Party meanwhile was in absolute meltdown. The crisis of identity that had been forced upon it by Simon Busuttil’s new switch for change began to unfold. Did the party really want to go in that direction? Was change and the battle against corruption worth this “suffering”? That was the choice being faced by the hardcore nationalist voter. The nostalgia for the PN victories of the past was misread as the need to revert to being the PN of the past – the one that thrives on the partisan structure that has been tattoed into our constitution. They nostalgia is for the banner, the hymn, the religio et patria but not for the most crucial element that had allowed the coalition of ideas that the PN has always been to be successful. What element is that? The ability to be on the right side of history, the ability to decide for the future and for future generations, the ability to be a party with a goal, a party with a soul.

That element was too hard to grasp. Especially after the second successive electoral loss. The PN core wanted an easy way out. It’s easy to see why. The reasoning is in competitive terms – not value oriented. In the days of post-truth politics values count much less than results. These are the days when an election will wipe accountability away with one fell swoop. Caught red-handed with accounts in Panama? Not fit for purpose? We’ll let the people decide, and a landslide victory later means that you are absolved of all crimes and free from any suspicion of corruption. A história me absolverá? Scratch that Fidel, our modern politicians cannot wait for history, it’s more like la elección me absolverá. The obsession with victory for victory’s sake – as they had been groomed to expect over years of partisan evolution meant that they would bay for a hopeful who would bring back those days of relativism, cynical pragmatism and yes, why not, employ some of the winning tactics that until now seem to have been the domain of the Labour party.

Delia is a godsend to the PN core. He takes offence when he is told that he risks making the PN look like a Labour clone. He misunderstands the why and how of that accusation. It is not because he has any secret plan of conniving and confabulating with Muscat and the Panama crowd. It is because the so called New Way is a choice to revert to the ever so familiar PLPN style of politics that has gotten us into the mess where we are. It is because his election is a clear message that the PN has abdicated from the real cause for change that is needed. Of course there is no harm in that for the PN core. They never stood for national aspirations. They stand for the preservation of the party. For its supposed rise from the ashes and return to running the country in that damned alternation with the other side of the partisan farce.

Where does that leave us? After yesterday’s step backwards we revert to being the minority of minorities, the unrepresented few who strive against all odds to force a mental shift upon a nation. Today we have less faith in the ability of fellow citizens to make choices weighed upon a better future. Today, a solution to the problem and to the need for change seems further than ever. We cannot be part of this PN. Not without a clear commitment to the change – constitutional and moral – that is needed.

Right now the only solution seems to be some future crisis that forces change as an inevitable option. It is sad to have come to this point but in many ways, and if we are to respect the democratic nature of our system, it is the only way in which the partisan elements upon which the real establishment feeds will open their eyes and notice the dangerous tightrope walk they have chosen to engage with.

This blog returns to the place it has always been: a voice for the unrepresented few who still yearn for change and reform.

The truth, if I lie.

Categories
Politics

Ittra miftuħa lil tesserat tal-partit nazzjonalista li se jivvota għada

 

Għażiż tesserat,

Wisq probabbli ma nafekx u jekk nafek m’aħniex ħbieb minn ta’ ġewwa (kif jgħidu… ma nieklux kirxa flimkien). Xorta nixtieqek tippermettili ngħidlek kelma … tismagħni… kif sar wisq moda li ngħidu f’dawn iż-żmienijiet. Għandi xi ngħidlek u nixtieq ngħidulek għax il-vot tiegħek għada jikkonċernani ukoll – din id-darba iktar minn qatt qabel.

Forsi smajt bijja, forsi le. Blogger ukoll jien. Wieħed minn ta’ l-ewwel kieku – bdejt nibbloggja fl-10 ta’ Marzu 2005 u kont minn ta’ l-ewwel li għaraft l-utilita’ ta’ dan il-mezz tax-xandir f’Malta. Jafuni bħala l-akkuża għax biex għażilt isem is-sit tiegħi tnebbaħt minn kittieb u attivist franċiż ta’ żewġ sekli ilu li ma kienx jaf jżomm sieket quddiem inġustizzji. Emile Zola kien kiteb ittra miftuħa – magħrufa bħala J’accuse – fejn kien akkuża lill-istabbiliment u gvern tan-nuqqasijiet tagħħom u kixef il-ksur tal-liġi minn naħa tagħhom speċjalment fejn naqsu milli jirrispettaw id-dinjita’ tal-bniedem. Jien minix bi ħsiebni nakkuża lil ħadd illum. Kemm ngħidlek pero li kemm ilni nibbloggja ilni inwissi li s-sistema tal-partiti li għandna illum (sistema li saħansitra ġiet ikkonsolidata fil-kostituzzjoni u l-ogħla liġijiet ta’ pajjiżna) se twassal għal tiġrija lejn il-qiegħ.

Is-Sewwa

Iva. Sa mill-bidu (u anki qabel ma kont nikteb fi blog) kont għaraft li l-partiti ta’ pajjiżna ma huma xejn ħlief magni meħjuma u mibnijin biex isarrfu l-aspirazzjonijiet ta’ l-ambizzjużi fil-kilba tagħhom għall-poter. Kont għaraft li bilmod il-mod kienu ħallew warajhom il-prinċipji jew valuri li suppost kienu iħaddnu u minflok saru parti minn xibka dejjem titwessa ta’ interessi pekunjarji. Pajjiżna ma kienx baqagħlu min imexxih għaliex ma kienx għad baqa’ ideat imsejsa fuq valuri u proġetti għal futur aħjar għas-soċjeta. Minflok, kull ma jmur, rajna jiżviluppaw ġenerazzjoni ta’ politiċi li jgħixu biss għal din il-magna: biex jisquha u biex jieklu minnha.

Għal ħafna żmien kont (u sa ċertu punt għadni) nemmen li l-uniku ħaġa li twassal għal bidla ta vera fil-pajjiż kienet tkun il-mewt tal-partiti l-kbar. Minkejja li kien kważi impossibbli, għal ħafna żmien kont nemmen li jekk tielet u raba partit jirnexxilhom jiżżerżqu bejn iż-żewġ partiti l-kbar forsi kien jitkisser iċ-ċirku vizzjuż. Iż-żmien għadda u ċ-ċirkostanzi inbidlu. Fl-aħħar elezzjoni, konxju tal-qiegħda imwiergħa tal-pajjiż f’dak li għandu x’jaqsam mal-breakdown istituzzjonali u l-firxa ta’ korruzzjoni, għażilt li nitfa’ il-ftit piż tiegħi wara l-koalizzjoni li kienet qed twiegħed bidla. Konvint li ħafna ma fehmux li l-koalizzjoni ma kenitx is-soluzzjoni imma kienet l-uniku għażla li kien għad baqa’ f’tentattiv iddisprat li jirbaħ is-sewwa fuq il-korruzzjoni, fuq it-tmermir istituzzjonali. Il-koalizzjoni tal-Forza Nazzjonali kienet il-bogħod milli tkun perfetta u bagħtiet ħafna minħabba l-indifferenza ta’ bosta lejn l-idea li wieħed imur oltre l-idea ta’ partit wieħed, klassiku.

Nafu kif spiċċat dik l-istorja. Niżbaljaw pero’ jekk naħsbu li l-ħsieb wara l-koalizzjoni, l-ħsieb wara l-għaqda kontra l-korruzzjoni kien wieħed ħażin sempliċement għax ma rebaħx elezzjoni. Is-sewwa mhux dejjem jirbaħ. Għallinqas mhux mill-ewwel u speċjalment meta isib kontrih il-magni tal-korruzzjoni, tal-klijenteliżmu u taċ-ċejċa. Iktar u iktar mhux se jirbaħ meta kull ma jmur qed naraw li l-elettorat (jew il-biċċa tiegħu li tgħodd numerikament biex jifforma gvern) jippreferi fuq kollox il-filosofija ta’ l-aqwa li jiena sew. Anki meta iffaċċjat bl-iktar każijiet ovvji ta’ korruzzjoni. Anki meta t-tmermir sistemiku tal-pajjiż li se jħallu lil uliedhom qiegħed f’wiċċhom.

Ftit paċenzja oħra u ismagħni, tesserat. Il-partit tiegħek qiegħed fejn qiegħed illum għax għażel li ma jilgħabx il-logħba faċli u populista. Taħt Simon Busuttil għażel li jkun fuq quddiem bl-għajta kontra l-korruzzjoni. Din mhix sempliċement kwistjoni ta’ fejn sejrin il-flus. Din kwistjoni ta’ fejn sejjer il-pajjiż.. fejn jagħżel li se jkun ħames u għaxar snin oħra. Busuttil kien il-mexxej fis-siegħa tal-bżonn tal-partit… bid-difetti tiegħu ukoll, b’dik l-oratorija daqxejn irritanti, dik l-arja ta’ abbatin naqra iktar irritanti IMMA Busuttil għamel bħal ma għamel ħafna drabi il-partit nazzjonalista fil-passat. Għażel triq tas-sewwa. It-triq bla kompromessi. Issa kullħadd għaddej ġmielu jirrepeti il-mantra laburista – li kien wisq negattiv. Ma nistax nimmaġina pero x’ippretendew li jagħmel jekk mhux li jaġixxi kif għandha tagħmel oppożizzjoni vera li tkun għassa tal-prinċipji bażiċi ta’ rappreżentanza u demokrazija.

M’inix nazzjonalist

M’inix nazzjonalist u wisq inqas ma jien tesserat. Personalment ma nemminx f’tesseri ta’ sħubija f’partiti politiċi, speċjalment taħt is-sistema Maltija. Meta niġi biex nivvota nara x’qed jgħidu u joffru l-kandidati u nagħżel dak il-ħin. M’għandi l’ebda lealta’ għamja. Fl-1991 pero bdejt fil-politika fil-partit nazzjonalista. Proprjament konna grupp ta’ xi 30 żgħażugħ u żgħażugħa li ifformajna l-MZPN Għawdex. Konna attivi fil-laqgħat ta’ djalogu fi żmien it-tkattir u twessiegħ ta’ prinċipji veri. Tiftakarhom forsi : Solidarjeta’… dejjem… kullimkien. Sussidjarjeta’. Kien żmien li Malta mingħalina bdejna nedukaw rwieħna dwar it-tħaddim ta’ soċjeta miftuħa u demokratika. Ta’ sbatax il sena tkellimt f’laqgħa ta djalogu f’Marsalforn u niftakar li Eddie kien ikkongratulani (żgur bħal ma kien jinkoraġġixxi lil kullħadd) dwar id-diskors tiegħi dwar kif l-għaqdiet għawdxin għandhom jiġbdu ħabel wieħed.

Dak iż-żmien imexxi grupp ta’ żgħażagħ ħabrieka kellna lil Chris Said. Ilħaqt imbagħad tbiegħdt mill-partit għax ħassejt dik il-mewġa ġejja bilmod. Dik l-istess mewġa li issa tissemma għax iddejjaq lil ħafna. L-arroganza, in-nuqqas ta’ smiegħ, is-suspett li hemm klikkek kontra klikkek u kullħadd jiġbed għal djul għajnu. Dejjaqni ħafna ukoll għax kont bdejt nara partit li waqaf ikun mexxej fl-ideat. Minflok, waqt li kien jinħeba wara ħafna paroli ta’ smiegħ u valuri kien minflok spiċċa ukoll ikun populista Kont tinduna mill-kandidati li jintagħżlu mhux għax tajbin jew għax għandhom kwalitajiet u ispirazzjonijiet politiċi tajbin imma għax iġibu xi vot jew tnejn. Imbagħad tara fazzjonijiet jiffurmaw biex t-tali jilħaq ministru, t-tali għandu n-nies “tiegħu” u kull ma jmur tinduna li l-politika ftit li xejn tissarraf f’ideat oltre l-ħsieb ta’ lukru.

Imbagħad kien hemm il-mument fejn il-PN nixef għal kollox mill-ideat. Kien il-mument wara li Malta ssieħbet fl-Ewropa. Ma kien baqa l-ebda utopia għall-futur li tipprovdi l-metru tal-ħidma politika. Kaxkarna ftit ieħor taħt il-gwida għaqlija ta’ Lawrence Gonzi pero il-partit kien ilu li spiċċa minn ġewwa. Il-kollass kien se jasal minn mument għall-ieħor. U wasal meta sab il-mostru tal-klijenteliżmu quddiemu. Il-fenomenu Muscat kollha nafuh. M’huwiex fenomenu interessanti għal min jemmen fid-demokrazija u fil-valuri tal-liġi tad-dritt. Huwa fenomenu inkredibbli minħabba s-suċċess li kellu darbtejn fuq partit li kien ilu li għaddielu l-expiry date.

Futur fis-Sewwa

Daqt nispiċċa tibżax. Għada int mistieden tagħżel il-“kap” tal-partit. L-għażla issa bejn tnejn. Hemm Adrian Delia illi jidher li qed jikseb popolarita’ b’rata mgħaġġla. Miss qalb ħafna minnkom, forsi anki lilek, speċjalment meta flok spjega fil-konkret kif se jbiddel il-partit intefa jlissen kliem l-innu psewdo-faxxista tal-partit. Għad hawn ħafna li mhux qed jifhmu d-dieqa li jħossu u li jaħsbu li l-malinkonija tagħħom – “l-uġiegħ” kif iħobbu jgħidu – huwa frott tat-“telf” li ġarrbu dan l-aħħar. Li mhumiex jindunaw hu li dak li jonqoshom m’huwiex partit li jirbaħ imma partit li jaġħżel is-sewwa bħal ma kien fil-passat. Għadhom irrabjati għaliex ma “rebħux” l-aħħar elezzjoni u jemmnu li allura din tal-korruzzjoni bilfors kienet gidba – xi spin qarrieqi u li għalhekk issa huma itturufnati fil-wied tad-dmugħ. Kliem Delia sabiħ f’dan id-dawl għax iwiegħed rebħ u tiġdid u li ma jibqax ikun partit (fi kliemu) “negattiv”. Attent pero tesserat. Anki meta tqis il-partit qabel il-pajjiż nistiednek tqis sew.

Il-partit nazzjonalista (u kull partit ieħor) m’huwiex l-innu, m’huwiex il-carcade, m’huwiex il-pick and mix ta’ valuri konservattivi biex kumbinazzjoni jintogħġob  mas-saff tal-elettorat li huwa maggoranza fost it-tesserati (over 60s), m’huwiex bandiera jew simboli. Tista’ iddum issabbat fuq sidrek u tgħajjat b’rabja qisek Mikiel Falzon isejjaħ l-iljuni. Il-partit veru hu dak li jagħraf jinseġ storja ta’ valuri li tkompli tibni fuq kisbiet passati. Li tiċċita x-xogħol, ġustizzja u liberta, is-solidarjeta, u d-djalogu ma hux kliem fierah imma il-bidu ta’ riforma ġdida li xogħla għandha tkun li ttejjeb id-determinazzjoni ta’ saff importanti tal-poplu li għal darba oħra ikun it-tarka ta’ dak li hemm bżonn għall-futur ta’ nazzjon.

Biex temmen f’dan kollu trid tkun tħaddan il-politika umana bħala punt ta’ tluq u tħaddan ukoll ir-rieda li fi spirtu demokristjan aġġornat għaż-żminijiet tal-llum tkun ippreprat titqabad għal dak li temmen fih. Fuq kollox trid tkun temmen li qabel ma tivvota biex tibni partit rebbieħ, tivvota biex tibni partit ġust li jemmen fil-ġustizzja. Trid temmen verament li jitkompla x-xogħol siewi ta’ dawn l-aħħar tletin sena u tasal biex tagħżel dak li l-iktar jiggaranixxi t-taqbida fit-triq għas-sewwa.

Is-sewwa jirbaħ żgur.