Category: Library

Categories
Constitutional Development Values

The Empress has no clothes!

 

Eleonora Sartori returns with a guest post concerning the concept of shame and its value in today’s society,

The Empress has no clothes! (Not that she would need much in the Bahamas).

“A sinner comes before you, Cersei of House Lannister. Mother to His Grace, King Tommen, widow of His Grace, King Robert. She has committed the acts of falsehood and fornication. She has confessed her sins, and begged for forgiveness. To demonstrate her repentance, she will cast aside all pride, all artifice, and present herself as the gods made her….”

This is how George R.R. Martin describes the ritual of punishment and penance named “walk of atonement”, used to publicly shame women accused of adultery or prostitution. The confessed sinner has to walk a certain distance stripped of all clothing, exposed to the eyes and jeers of the common people.

Somehow, this brings back the image described in the Gospel of John, the Pharisees, when a woman who has committed adultery is brought unto Jesus since she is meant to be publicly shamed by being stoned. Shame is in fact a condition of humiliating disgrace or disrepute, the ignominy of being subject to a very degrading condition. However, Jesus unexpectedly answers back: “He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her.”

“He that is without sin among you”. Another aspect of shame, this time related to the self-awareness of one’s own sins. Shame caused by consciousness of guilt, shortcoming or impropriety.

Shame is indeed a manifold concept. It is also a very important pillar of humankind, as very well stressed by Professor Gardini in an article published some weeks ago on Sette – Corriere della Sera (Di cosa ti vergogni?).

But first, why am I talking about shame right now?

I felt the urge of sharing these thoughts when yesterday I read about the fact that the wife of your Prime Minister has been nominated Volunteer of the Year. As correctly put in an article published on The Shift, “The issue at stake was not the validity of Michelle Muscat’s contribution to charity which includes a 10-hour swim to raise funds for the charity she chairs, but the lack of institutional sobriety that comes across when organs of the State bestow honours on the immediate family members of high ranking officials” (It’s all about perception my dear).

The lack of institutional sobriety combines with the constant lack of transparence of appointment procedures on a worldwide scale. I’m just too tired of this ambiguous scenario we’re currently living in, where on the one hand, we have Ivanka Trump championing the cause of women empowerment by carrying out a Fashion Diplomacy strategy and on the other hand, we see Time Magazine nominating the members of the successful and long-awaited #MeToo campaign as Person of the Year.

Does no one feel ashamed for this current situation?

Then I remembered the article of Professor Gardini and I understood the core message conveyed by it. We’re no longer used to feel any shame nor to feel ashamed. Yet, I truly believe that restoring this precious feeling could only improve the democratic society in which we ought to be living in the 21st century.

Referring to Cicero in his analysis, Professor Gardini underlines that he who is capable of feeling shame presumes the existence of a superior entity, a so-called “superior thought”, that is able to assess and judge the insufficiency of one’s actions and in front of which one needs therefore to repent and rehabilitate. This superior thought is nothing but a set of values to which abides the community to whom we belong. A set of values respected by the other members of his community, who can judge and criticize you if you go off track.

Therefore, the sense of guilt is not merely private, but has a public dimension too. It’s the core expression of the principle of accountability.

But what about this principle in the digital era?

Professor Gardini correctly points out that nowadays we no longer belong to a community, but we choose virtual groups to which we want to belong. These groups do not form small societies based on confrontation and discussion, but instead exist as virtual projections of one’s imagine of one’s self. I create my group and in that group I am that particular version of myself.

Thus, in my virtual group I can always claim to be constantly right, since I have the right to reject every kind of confrontation and the arrogance not to take into account any potential different opinion. So much for the principle of accountability.

And yet, there is a very simple way to restore the role of shame in our modern society.

It’s every citizen’s duty to reintegrate into their daily routine the perception of shame and shameful actions. As well pointed out by the Background Paper published by SIDA on Accountability, Transparency and the Rule of Law within the Post-2015 Agenda, “the mere process and framework of accountability, transparency and the rule of law is not enough. What comes out of these structures and processes will, in the end, be determined by the social cohesion among people, as well as by the values and the political environment in society. Individuals have responsibilities and powers of their own to change and affect social norms and trends. Formal structures alone can never guarantee decent societies. »

It is you, the people, who have to publicly shame who you think does not abide by your set of values.

“Then the eyes of both of them were opened, and they realized they were naked; so they sewed fig leaves together and made coverings for themselves.” reads Genesis 3:7.

 

Categories
Politics

Malta, l-UE u r-rifuġji fiskali

L-ewwel parti: Rifuġji Fiskali u Politika Ewropea

Ilbieraħ l-Unjoni Ewropea ippublikat “blacklist” ta’ rifuġji fiskali (tax havens) u din tinkludi 17-il pajjiż barra l-Unjoni illi jitqiesu bħala pajjiżi li ma jikkoperawx f’materji fiskali. Milli stajt nara, ir-reazzjoni għal din l-aħbar kienet waħda li tirrefletti konfużjoni kbira kemm dwar is-suġġett innifsu kif ukoll dwar il-protagonisti principali.

Ħa nibdew mill-kwistjoni ta’ rifuġji fiskali (tax havens). Il-villaġġ globali li inħoloq wara tmiem it-tieni gwerra dinjija jiddependi ħafna fuq l-iskambju ekonomiku, is-swieqi ħielsa jew swieqi ta’ skambju kummercjali u l-mobilita’. Is-swieq ħielsa kienu pedament importanti sabiex, fost l-oħrajn, ikun hemm incentiv biżżejjed biex pajjiżi fil-kontinent il-qadim jingħaqdu u għall-ewwel darba wara mijiet ta’ snin iwaqqfu il-gwerer ta’ bejniethom.

L-Unjoni Ewropea inbniet fuq il-pedamenti ta’ erba’ libertajiet ekonomici – il-moviment liberu tal-prodotti, tas-servizzi, tal-kapitali u tal-persuni. L-ewwel drittijiet ta’ moviment ħieles kienu marbutin strettament mal-ekonomija u l-possibilita’ li tikber. Il-ħsieb kien, u għadu, li l-ġenerazzjoni ta’ ġid jikber u jitqassam. Sadattant parallel mal-iżviluppi ekonomici fil-kuntest ta’ swieq u economies of scale, il-pajjiżi membri kienu ukoll baqgħu jipperfezzjonaw sistemi ta’ welfare – saħħa, edukazzjoni ecc illi mhux biss huma kumplimentari għall ekonomija iżda jitqiesu bħala essenzjali għall-qgħada tajba tac-cittadini ta’ pajjiz.

Tajjeb li wieħed ifakkar li minkejja li l-Unjoni Ewropea hija għaqda ta’ stati, dawn jibqgħu sovrani u jżommu għalihom id-dritt sovran li jirregolaw certi oqsma. Kull tant żmien jiġu innegozjati pakketti ta’ armonizzazzjoni li jfissru li l-politika f’certu oqsma ikollha standard minimu komuni jew sahansitra regola komuni li tapplika indaqs ma kullhadd. Meta jkunu qed jagixxu b’dan il-mod l-istati ikunu qed jaħdmu fl-interess tagħhom stess (individwalment) qabel ma jikkunsidraw il-bżonnijiet komuni. Hija sistema ta’ kompromessi u negozjar fejn wieħed icedi naħa u jirbaħ oħra.

Ir-reġim fiskali huwa qasam li qajla qed jiġi armonizzat. L-interessi ta’ pajjiżi differenti anki fi ħdan l-UE huma differenti. Pajjiżi li specjalizzaw f’sistemi fiskali attrajenti – bħal Malta, Lussemburgu, l-Irlanda u l-Pajjiżi Baxxi – għandhom interess li ma jippermettux stati oħra jirregolaw dan il-qasam iżżejjed għaliex jitilfu ħafna mid-dħul li għandhom. Ma ninsewx ukoll li minkejja l-indinjazzkoni li juru certi pajjiżi hekk imsejħa kbar, dawn ukoll jabbużaw minn mekkaniżmi fiskali li inħolqu f’territorji iżghar li qiegħdin fil-kontroll tagħħhom Hekk Spanja, Franza, l-Italja u r-Renju Unit igawdu mis-sistemi fiskali ad hoc maħluqa f’postijiet bħal Andorra, Monaco, San Marino, ic-Channel Islands u Liechtenstein.

Huwa car li dan il-qasam huwa wieħed fejn l-interessi nazzjonali fi ħdan l-UE jirbaħ kull sforz ta’ armonizzazzoni konkreta. Il-pajjiżi ma jitiflux cans li jisparaw fuq pajjiz membru ieħor ma’ l-ewwel sinjal ta’ djufija… dan jispjega ukoll kif id-dibattitu dwar il-qiegħda tal-istat ta’ dritt f’Malta ġie żvijat kemm il-darba fuq il-kwistjoni ta’ rifuġju fiskali – kwistjoni li tellfet ħafna mill-kwalita’ tad-diskussjoni. Minkejja li ma hemmx dubju li pajjiż fiskalment attraenti jista’ jiġbed l-interess ta’ flus hekk imsejħa “maħmuġa” u b’hekk isir pajjiż komdu għall-ħasil ta’ tali flus, il-fatt jibqa li l-kwistjoni ta’ stat ta’ dritt hija importanti għax b’istituzzjonijiet li jiggarantixxu li dan ma jsirx (permezz ta monitoring tajjeb u indipendenza) l-attrativita’ fiskali ma ssirx awtomatikament bejta tal-ħasil ta’ flus.

Issa, biex nerġgħu għad-dikjarazzjoni tal-UE dwar il-lista’ s-sewda. Jekk hemm xi ħaġa li tgħaqqad il-pajjiżi Ewropej fuq kwistjonijiet fiskali hija proprju dik dwar kompetitivita’ fuq skala internazzjonali. X’ifisser dan? Ifisser li filwaqt li difficli li wieħed jimmaġina lill-pajjiżi tal-UE jaqblu dwar limiti ta’ tassazzjoni bejniethom, l-istess ma jistax jingħad fir-rigward tal-konkorrenza internazzjonali minn pajjiżi bħal Panama. Hu għalhekk illi mill-aspett Ewropew ma hix ħaġa sorpredenti li sar il-qbil li sar illi iffoka fuq pajjiżi barra l-UE.

It-tieni parti: Rifuġji fiskali vs kompetitivita’ fiskali

Wieħed irid ukoll joqgħod attent meta jitkellem dwar sistemi fiskali differenti li jeżistu kemm fl-Ewropa kif ukoll fil-bqija tad-dinja. Reġim fiskali li jiffacilita l-ħasil ta’ flus ma huwiex fuq l-istess livell ta’ reġim fiskali illi joffri vantaġġi lil min jiflaħ iħallas għal dak it-tip ta’ ippjanar.

Ir-rifuġju fiskali illi minħabba monitoraġġ laxk jew nuqqas totali ta’ kontrolli jsir għodda ta’ ħasil ta’ flus ma huwa qatt se jiġi promoss – la fis-sistema Ewropea u lanqas f’dik dinjija. Ir-raġuni hija waħda ovvja – is-sors illegali tal-flus li jaslu f’dan it-tip ta’ reġim huwa problema għall-pajjiżi kollha għaliex jsaħħaħ sistemi illegali li jtellfu mis-sistema ekonomika dinjija kif ukoll huma moralment reprensibbli. Pajjiż bħal Panama li dan l-aħħar ħareġ fic-car mill-Panama papers li kien jonqos ħafna mill-iskrutinju (tant li persuni li suppost huma meqjusa bħala politikament esposti (PEP’s – politically exposed persons) xorta sabu mod kif jiftħu kontijiet hemm – awtomatikament jaqa’ taħt din il-kategorija ta’ rifuġji fiskali.

Mill-banda l-oħra pajjiżi bħal Malta stess għandhom interess li jkollhom politika ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Huma specjalment pajjizi żgħar illi ma jifilħux jikkompetu f’oqsma ta’ produzzjoni u manifattura illi ħafna drabi jittantaw it-triq ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Il-kritika li jaqilgħu dawn il-pajjiżi – li kull ma jagħmlu hu li joffru kundizzjonijiet favorevoli sabiex kumpaniji jagħżlu li jkunu intaxxati f’pajjiżhom – hi li qed jaqilgħu il-flus minn fuq dar ħaddieħor. Bosta drabi s-sistema ekonomika ta’ pajjiż hija waħda kumplimentari – dħul minn taxxi u ħruġ fuq welfare. Issa jekk pajjiż partikolari qed jara li t-taxxi li seta jiġbor minn kumpaniji qed “jaħarbu” lejn pajjiżi oħra b’sistema kompetitiva ta’ taxxi wieħed jifhem għalfejn ma hux kuntent.

It-tielet parti: Il-politika fiskali u l-moralita’

Ħafna kritika tas-sistemi fiskali ġeneralment titfa’ il kull tip ta’ sistema f’keffa waħda. Dawk li jpinġu sistemi li potenzjalment jiffrankaw t-taxxa lil min jiflaħ ħafna bħala sistemi li huma moralment reprensibbli ma għandhomx tort sa l-aħħar. Fl-istess waqt pero ma nistgħux ninjoraw illi d-differenzi bejn sistemi u oħrajn – illi jikkonsistu fis-solidita’ ta’ skrutinju u trasparenza – huma importanti ukoll. Nieħdu lil Malta illi għaliha huwa importanti ħafna s-settur ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Id-deciżjoni jekk il-pajjiż għandux ikompli f’din it-triq hija waħda importanti u hija politika fil-veru sens tal-kelma.

Trid tkun għami iżraq jekk taħseb li s-sigurta’ socjali li tgawdi minnha bħalissa ma hix frott ukoll ta’ profitti li s-sistema fiskali preżenti qed toħloq. Dan ma jfissirx li ma gġandhomx jitqiegħdu f’diskussjoni kemm il-politika fiskali, kif ukoll il-politika dwar gaming per eżempju – li hija sistema oħra leġiżlattiva fejn nisfruttaw vantaġġ kompetittiv fiskali biex niġbdu f’pajjiżna flejjes bħal dawn.

Li rrid ngħid hu li ma hemm xejn ħażin li jkollna dubji dwar is-sistemi politici tagħna. Anzi, huwa importanti illi minn żmien għall-ieħor il-pajjiż ikollu diskussjonijiet dwar l-identita’ tiegħu. Pero ma nistgħux nitfgħu kollox f’keffa waħda u  ma nassumux il-fatt li sistemi fiskali huma parti mis-success ricenti tal-pajjiz.

Ma huwiex sorprendenti li Malta ingħaqdet mal-pajjiżi tal-UE u sawwret lista sewda ta’ pajjiżi bħal dik li għandna issa. Li hu sorprendenti hu li bħala membru tal-kunsill UE, Malta qablet u ivvutat li wieħed minn dawn il-pajjiżi ikun il-Panama. Ir-rappreżentant tal-gvern li ivvota kien qed jivvota u jaqbel mal-fatt illi il-pajjiż fejn Ministru tal-Kabinet u Chief of Staff tal-Prim Ministru fetħu kumpaniji huwa pajjiż illi jisħoqqlu label ta’ blacklist għaliex hemm suspetti kbar ta’ nuqqas ta’ trasparenza. Jekk xejn dik hija l-iktar aħbar sorprendenti li ħarġet.

 

Categories
Constitutional Development Politics

Diskors ta’ Immanuel Mifsud waqt dimostrazzjoni tan-Netwerk ta’ Soċjetá Ċivili

Diskors qed jiġi riprodott bil-permess tal-awtur.

Tliet snin ilu, fl-okkażjoni ta’ Jum ir-Repubblika, il-President Coleiro Preca għamlet diskors li fih appellat lis-soċjetà ċivili biex din ixxammar il-kmiem u taħdem hija wkoll għall-ġid tar-Repubblika. F’dak id-diskors, il-President saħqet li d-demokrazija tal-pajjiż teħtieġ li s-soċjetà ċivili tkun soċjetà kritika “li tirrifjuta li tkun oġġett tal-istorja, li tinsisti li taqsam mal-politiċi r-responsabbiltà li tittrasforma l-bejta umana.”

Dak li qalet il-President ifisser, fi kliem ieħor, li s-soċjetà ċivili – aħna – għandna responsabbiltà li fil-fehma tiegħi għadna m’aħniex nieħdu u li wasal iż-żmien li verament nieħdu r-riedni li d-demokrazija tagħtina f’idejna.
Minkejja l-progress li dan il-pajjiż għamel matul is-snin, is-soċjetà ċivili għadha ma saritx soċjetà kritika. Ir-raġuni primarja għal dan hija li għadna nħallu f’idejn il-politiċi biex imexxu huma; għadna bil-ħsieb li l-pajjiż huwa tagħhom; anzi, agħar minn hekk, għadna naċċettaw li aħna tal-politiċi minflok il-politiċi huma tagħna.

Biex dak li qalet il-President tar-Repubblika tliet snin ilu mqar jibda jseħħ, jeħtieġ nitgħallmu ngħidu lill-politiċi li d-demokrazija ma tiddependix minnhom iżda mis-soċjetà kritika li ma tiddejjaqx tgħid le fejn jeħtieġ li jingħad le. Soċjetà kritika hija soċjetà li ma tiddejjaqx tikkritika lill-partiti; li temmen li l-kritika lill-pajjiż mhijiex tradiment iżda impenn; li l-partit qiegħed hemm għaliha u mhux hi għall-partit.

Snin ilu xi ħadd kien għamel diskors li fih kien elenka numru ta’ ħolmiet li kellu, ħolmiet li setgħu dehru impossibbli. Ma tgħaddilix minn moħħi li nipprova nimita dak id-diskors imma aċċettajt li niġi hawn illum – u naf li ħafna kienu dawk li ssorprendew irwieħhom li tlajt fuq dan il-palk – appuntu għaliex anki jien għandi ħolma. Jien verament nixtieq li nimxu lejn mument u sitwazzjoni li fihom is-soċjetà ċivili tkun hi li tmexxi l-pajjiż bil-ħiliet kritiċi tagħha; li dal-pajjiż ma jibqax blata b’mentalità tribali li minnha jgawdu biss dawk il-ftit li għandhom il-poter; appuntu li l-poter ma jibqax jiġi effettwat minn fuq għal isfel; li l-istudenti tagħna, fl-istituzzjonijiet postsekondarji u terzjarji ma jibqgħux ikunu politiċi billi jikkompetu bejniethom bit-tessera fil-but; li l-vot ikun verament ħieles; li l-mezzi tax-xandir, minbarra li jirrispettaw l-intelliġenza tagħna ma jibqgħux imarrduna b’din l-iskiżofrenija li fuq kollox hija giddieba; li l-libertà tal-espressjoni – il-buzzword il-ġdida – nifhmu xi tfisser eżattament u nibdew neżerċitawha b’responsabbiltà u b’kuraġġ; li għax tkun soċjetà kritika tkun, awtomatikament, soċjetà pluralista u li dan jiġi rifless mhux biss fil-ħajja ta’ kuljum imma anki fis-sala prinċipali ta’ dan il-bini t’hawnhekk.

Matul iż-żmien qalulna ħafna affarijiet: qalulna bdiet rebbiegħa ġdida; qalulna żmien il-bużullotti spiċċa; qalulna wasal terremot mill-isbaħ; qalulna li pajjiżna tagħna lkoll; li konna taħt tmexxija soda; qalulna li dan hu l-aqwa żmien. U aħna emminniehom; kull darba emminniehom. Iżda soċjetà kritika m’għandhiex taċċetta kollox kif ġie ġie: għall-kuntrarju għandha tistaqsi, għandha żżomm għajnejha miftuħa.

Iltqajna hawnhekk ukoll wara dak li ġara ftit tal-ġimgħat ilu, meta xi ħadd iddeċieda li għandu jsikket lil xi ħadd ieħor, ipoġġi bomba fil-karozza u jżid vittma oħra. L-istorja ta’ dan il-pajjiż tfakkarna, fix-xahar ta’ Diċembru, fi tfajla li fetħet pakkett li ma kellha qatt tiftħu, u f’ġuvni li qagħad sa tard filgħaxija f’kamra fejn ma kellux jibqa’, għax xi ħadd iddeċieda li jimposta l-bombi u jispara fejn ġie ġie. Persważ li nittamaw li dan l-aħħar każ ma jispiċċax bħal dawn it-tnejn: mitlufa fit-trab tal-istorja, bil-feriti miftuħa beraħ.

Bdejt billi kkwotajt lill-President tar-Repubblika u nagħlaq b’sentenza oħra minn tagħha li nħoss li għandha tiggwida u tispira t-triq ’il quddiem: “Repubblika li tibża’ mill-intellettwali, li toħnoq, tirredikola jew tinjora l-ħsieb kritiku, hija Repubblika dgħajfa u waħda li ma laħqitx il-milja tagħha.”

Grazzi ħafna.
Immanuel Mifsud
Il-Belt, 3 ta’ Diċembru 2017

Categories
Arts

Investiment Kapitali

 

X’inhu dak li jagħmel ktieb tajjeb? Hawn min jgħidlek li ktieb tajjeb iżommok taqra’, ma tkun trid tniżżlu b’xejn. Hawn min jgħidlek li l-istorja kollox, li dak li jkun qed jgħid l-awtur jolqot xi ħaġa ġo fik. Hemm imbagħad il-ktieb tajjeb għax tixtieq li jkompli anki meta iddawwar l-aħħar paġna, għax l-awtur ikun irnexxilu b’xi mod jnibbet kurżita’ fir-rakkont tiegħu. Hekk ġrali b’Kapitali.

Qrajt il-ktieb fi tlett intervalli qosra. Bdejtu tard billejl dakinhar stess li xtrajtu – kwarta kollox kemm inbill subgħajja fl-istorja u nara tħajjarnix. Komplejtu fuq żewġ titjieriet li wassluni lura Lussemburgu minn Malta wara żjara qasira tul tmiem ta’ ġimgħa. It-timing kien perfett. Kont ġejt Malta għal Konferenza dwar il-Ġurnaliżmu Ċiviku u kienet l-ewwel żjara tiegħi minn mindu seħħ l-assassinju ta’ Daphne Caruna Galizia.

Kont wasalt Malta b’taħlita ta’ ħsibijiet. Ilni ngħix barra minn pajjiżi għal kważi erbatax-il sena u l-immaġni – l-idea – li għandi ta’ pajjiżi saret tiddependi ħafna fuq il-perċezzjoni virtwali li tintema’ kull tant minn kitbiet u projezzjonijiet diversi. Dan l-aħħar il-perspettiva li kienet qed tasal ma kienitx sabiħa wisq. Malta kienet saret pajjiż aljen – agħar minn hekk, il-Malti kien sar aljen. Ma għadnix nifhem ir-raġunar tal-Malti. Filwaqt li nista’ nitħaddet dwar politika u kostituzzjonijiet u pjanijiet b’ċerta ħeffa sirt naċċetta li rrid inħabbat wiċċi mar-realtajiet (u non-realtajiet) tad-dinja Post-Truth (post verita’).

Anki Wayne Flask jagħmel parti minn din id-dinja. Bħali, Flask iħobb ibill subgħajh fid-dinja tas-satira u forsi jaħsibha bħali li s-satira taf tgħinek tifhem mill-ewwel dak li qed jiġri fid-dinja li mingħaliha qed tieħu lilha innifisha bis-serjeta’. Kapitali hu xogħol satiriku l-ewwel u qabel kollox. Importanti li żżomm dan f’moħħok int u taqra. L-istorja pjuttost mexxejja hija nisġa ta’ karikaturi fuq steroids. M’humiex sempliċi karikaturi imma huma ġabra ta’ persuni imwaħħda f’maskra grotteska.

Il-Latin (persona) u l-Griegi (prospon) tawna il-kelma għal “persuna”. Għall-bidu il-kelma kienet tintuża biex tirreferi għall-maskra fuq il-palk. Din żviluppat fil-kunċett filosofiku tal-persuna u imbagħad saret tintuża bħal ma nafuha illum. Iż-żewġ politiċi prinċipali f’Kapitali – rappreżentanti virtwali taż-żewġ dinjiet politiċi f’pajjiżna – huma maskri kumplessi u sempliċi fl-istess ħin. Kumplessi għax huma kalejdoskopju u mużajk ta’ partijiet mislufa sabiex iffurmaw żewġ “Frankensteins”. L-iskuża tas-satira tippermetti li nibqgħu inħarsu lejhom bħala persuna waħda iżda, int u taqra, jiġuk flashbacks ta’ ż-żmien qabel il-Post-Truth u tagħraf issa lil dan il-politikant, issa lill-ieħor.

Sensiela ta’ ritratti Polaroid huma mifruxa tul ir-rakkont u Flask ma jkollux bżonn l-iskuża għajjiena tal-oġġettivita’ u par condicio li wisq drabi tiżżeffen fin-nofs f’diskursati u analiżi tal-qagħda imwiergħa u marida tal-ħsieb politiku Malti. L-istorja innifisha tiżfen bejn il-possibbli u l-impossibbli, bejn il-conspiracy theory u r-realta’, bejn il-frott tal-immaġinazzjoni u l-kronaka. Tista’ tagħmel hekk għax huwa xogħol satiriku – kull riferenza għal persuni veri hija intiża imma maħfura. Inċensurabbli.

Il-liċenzja satirika tippermetti lil Flask jdeffes teoriji (li jista’ jkun li jemmen li huma veri) dwar l-operat tal-partiti politiċi f’pajjiżna. Ngħid għalija iggustajt l-iperbole illi biha ġiet ittrattata l-influwenza tal-partiti politiċi ġewwa l-Universita’. Id-diskors kollu dwar l-SDM, il-Pulse u l-infiltrazzjoni saħansitra fl-Uffiċċji tal-Graffiti. Jaf kien Polaroid ieħor, jaf ukoll kienet doża qawwija ta’ steroids satiriċi – jiddependi liema perijodu qed jiġi deskritt.

Imma dik tal-istudenti hija biss osservazzjoni tiegħi, personali. Kapitali hija dawra rollercoaster vibranti madwar ħafna (sur)realitajiet Maltin. Id-dubbiena Flask tidħol fl-intimu tal-istudent, tat-tabib, tal-membru parlamentari, tal-pulizija, tal-menti internazzjonali u tal-ħalliel u tislet dak li hemm bżonn sa ma tinqabad hi stess fl-għanqbuta minsuġa mill-brimba li hija s-soċjeta’ Maltija.

“Kulħadd għandu xi ħaġa x’jaħbi/Kullħadd għandu prezz.”

Il-konklużjoni fid-dinja satirika tikxef id-DNA tal-ġenerazzjoni post-post-moderna. This is what makes us tick. Il-ġenerazzjoni tiegħi għal mument qasir ħafna kienet mingħaliha issieltet għall-futur. Mingħaliha li rnexxilha twarrab għal dak il-mument qasir il-partiti u l-kilba tal-flus, u minflok ħarġet fit-toroq bis-sejħa għall-investiment fil-futur, investiment fil-ġejjieni. Il-ġenerazzjoni tiegħi għaddiet qisha leħħa ta berqa u ta’ warajna għamlu bħal ma għamlu ta’ qabilna u komplew jinsġu dik is-soċjeta’ li tant irnexxilu jikkarikaturizza tajjeb Wayne Flask. Kullħadd għandu prezz. L-investiment huwa wieħed. Deficit soċjali. Defiċit kulturali. Defiċit tal-valuri. Imma Investiment Qawwi Kapitali.

“There are crooks everywhere you look now. The situation is desperate”.

Is-sentenza konklużiva fi blog maħbub u mibgħud fid-dinja (sur)reali tikxef ir-riżultat tal-ħidma interġenerazzjonali fid-dinja post-post-moderna. This is what we have brought onto ourselves. Soċjeta’ u nazzjon li mhux veru għandu r-riedni ta’ pajjiżu f’idejh. Il-kilba għall-poter, frott ta’ trawwim pervers partiġjan, wasslet biex waslu l-iljuni fostna. Iddaħħlu fiż-Żiemel ta’ Trojja frott l-idolatrija. L-imrieħel tan-ngħaġ issa bdew jiftħu għajnejhom u qed jindunaw li s-sitwazzjoni iddisprata. Hemm min ma jridx jaf, u jiċħad. Hemm min lest għal battalja oħra, minkejja li l-odds huma kontra.

Kapitali ma setax ħareġ fi żmien aħjar. Mhux l-Aqwa Żmien, biex niftiehmu imma żmien fejn hemm bżonn li kemm jista’ jkun mirja jittellgħu quddiem il-poplu sabiex iħares ġewwa fihom u jipprova jagħraf lilu nnifsu. Kapitali huwa prodott ta’ żmienu daqs kemm jista’ jkun parti mir-reazzjoni ta’ kontra żmienu.

Ma tagħmilx ħażin toħroġ tixtrih illum qabel għada. U taqrah. Investiment… Kapitali.

La paranoia della cospirazione universale non finirà mai e non puoi stanarla perché non sai mai cosa c’è dietro. È una tentazione psicologica della nostra specie. Berlusconi ha passato tutte le sue campagne elettorali a parlare di doppia cospirazione, dei giudici e dei comunisti. Non ci sono più comunisti in circolazione, nemmeno a cercarli col lanternino, eppure per Berlusconi stavano tentando di conquistare il potere. (Umberto Eco)

Categories
Constitutional Development Mediawatch

The Beautiful Garden

The atmosphere at the European Parliament this Tuesday was surreal to say the least. Not being too familiar with the building I arrived just as the debate on the Rule of Law in Malta had kicked off and took a seat hurriedly in the visitor’s balcony. Just as I started to take in the different speeches I noticed that I was seated a couple of seats away from Daphne’s family and the whole business took a wholly different perspective.

It was inevitable that different agendas would be pushed during such a debate. It was, as predicted, a repeat of the Pana Committee meetings with many deputies intent on taking advantage of this moment of weakness of the Maltese state in order to peddle their usual attacks on the island nation’s fiscal policy. Politics is politics and it would be too much to ask of all the deputies in the house to stick to the agenda at hand. Probably.

I felt very ill at ease though, for every other thirty seconds Daphne’s name was brought up. Whether it was to bolster an argument regarding the state of the rule of law in Malta or whether it was to harp on that spurious link between a legitimate fiscal policy and an atrocious cold-blooded murder, those three words would be repeated and would rebound along the walls of the Hemicycle. Each time I heard the name I did not dare look at Daphne’s family but I could not help wonder how awkward all this might seem, how distant from the warmth of a mother and a wife. True, we were there also because of what had happened and yet the way most politicians took over the name and memory of the recently departed did not seem right.

The weak respects jarred mostly in the mouths of those who could barely hide their contempt towards the very fact that we were there in that room, discussing the failure of a society and not only the failure of law and government. They went through the motions expressing regret for Daphne’s sudden departure though it sounded as convincing as a note of apology by the Transport Authority whenever the buses run late.

It was painful. Painful for me as a mere outsider who quite readily admits to having had strong differences of opinion with Daphne throughout the last years and who refuses to succumb to the temptation of creating false hagiographies. In fact I am quite happy to be clear that I did not find Daphne and her work to be perfect. Far from it. It is like stating the obvious. Somehow though I feel that it makes my case for demanding respect for her work all the stronger. Above all it puts the moment in perspective – there is an institutional crisis that led to a journalist being killed while doing her work and without any doubt because of the work she was doing. Daphne was killed with impunity because, in the words of her husband, she mattered.

The institutional crisis, the social deficit, predates Daphne’s assassination. The battle against the rot definitely predates Daphne’s assassination. The warning signs predate Daphne’s assassination. The side of Daphne that we want to remember and be inspired by is the one that was so ably described by her husband. It is the one who aspired to beauty in a world that she saw (as did many others) turn uglier by the minute. Before the situation became desperate it had already turned ugly. So ugly that it rendered others cynical. So ugly that many lost hope.

This is not about a sanctification of a person. This is about continuing the work that Daphne excelled in and that others too worked hard for with different results. The inspiration we should and must take is the Beautiful Garden. We should each build our own little garden and start to expand that slowly until the gardens take over.

The gardens are our hope, our courage, our future.

 

“But Daphne never grew cynical; she grew outraged and appalled by the increasingly sordid and frightening facts that emerged from her work. The more frustrated she grew at the state of our country, the more beautiful our garden became, the more trees she planted, the more books, art, ornaments and curiosities from all over the world arrived at our home. Daphne created, in the words of one of my sons, a parallel world of beauty in a country that slipped further and further away from European values and norms of behaviour which she held so closely. Meanwhile, Daphne’s work never slowed. With every story she broke, particularly about the money laundering network with links deep and wide connecting many of Malta’s political and business elite, her readership grew larger and more loyal.” – Peter Caruana Galizia

 

Categories
Citizenship Constitutional Development

Civil Society and its critics

A long read. This post takes a look at the actors and interests in the current debate on the rule of law in Malta. 

This afternoon the European Parliament will discuss a resolution on the Rule of Law in Malta. Point 5 of the Draft Resolution reads that “[The European Parliament] Regrets that developments in Malta in recent years have led serious concerns about the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights including freedom of the media and independence of the police and judiciary”.  Point F of the preamble in the same draft resolution notes that “whereas this assassination led to street demonstrations and civil society protests in Malta calling for justice, accountability and respect for the rule of law”.

Our second parliament (because that is what the EP is, OUR parliament not a foreign institution) is about to discuss the state of the Maltese nation with particular attention to the legal framework that holds it together. Today’s discussion is an important milestone in our nations’ constitutional development and Civil society has been instrumental to get this discussion high on the agenda at both a Maltese and European level.

In May last year the group calling itself “Advocates for the Rule of Law” took out their first full page advert on the Sunday Times. The ad read ” Situations Vacant : Police Commissioner,  Chairman FIAU, Attorney General – needed for the proper functioning of a democratic society #ruleoflaw_MT, #maltaconstitution, #bringitback”.

I will be in Strasbourg for the commemoration of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Hall this evening and will also follow the debate. It’s a two hour drive from Luxembourg and it is only right to be there for this moment.  It is because I live in Luxembourg that I rely on feedback from Malta for news “on the ground”. What are the streets saying while one of our highest institutions discusses a motion that practically describes a nation in constitutional crisis? The feedback I am getting is that the effort to “return to normal’ seems to be winning. Four weeks after the assassination that supposedly shook Malta to its foundations we risk seeing Italy’s elimination from the World Cup snatching the frivolous “news cycle” baton once and for all.

So what exactly is happening? How can we have a nation that (at least in appearance) is hell bent on returning to the “u ijja mhux xorta?” normal while at the same time an important part of its institutional set up is ringing alarm bells? To understand this we have to look at the actors in this drama. What part has Civil Society played in this development – and who, above all, are its critics and detractors?

Dramatis Personae

1. The European “Partners”

The dynamic of the European institutions is such that national and supra-national interests meet in a huge chamber where ideas are bounced around. A resolution by the European parliament is not binding in the strict sense of the term for example, however one would be a fool to dismiss it as “international diplomatic spiel” that is void of substance. In the first place the EP acts within clearly defined legal parameters and on the basis of principles that are universally accepted at a European level. That is why today’s resolution begins with the consideration that the EU is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights. In other words, action by the EP is grounded in principle and in law.

The major pitfall at an EU level is that the parliament resolution may be used to further competing national interests. In this particular case we may note that members from certain EU countries might use this moment of weakness in order to attack areas such as Fiscal policy and Gaming. It’s a cheap trick – one that aims to obtain what their respective countries failed to obtain during legitimate negotiations that led to Europe-wide legislation. In layman’s terms, the members of the EP who will be using this debate to put the blame on a competitive Fiscal or Gaming Policy will be deliberately obfuscating the actual matter at hand – something that was already seen in the PANA committee debates earlier on. In doing so they will provide much needed fodder to the defending government who will obviously claim that this is an assault on the country and its well-being (more about that later).

The rest of the EP – those not intent on winning brownie points for their own country’s gain – will be acting with the interest of the Union in mind. The interest that has already seen similar concerns for countries such as Poland and Hungary will now focus on Malta. It is in the interest of the citizens of Malta first and foremost, but also in the interest of the Union as a whole for the Union is only as good and great as its weakest link.

2. The Establishment in Power

By far the biggest actor with much to lose in this debate is the current custodian of government. The massive media machine has long been set in motion with a huge effort in counter-information that is supposed to negate the crisis and convince the people that all is back to normal. It is working. Only yesterday, the head of the establishment in power promised more wealth and more rights for the future. The greatest interest of power is its preservation and the key to preservation of such power is convincing the people that all is well and that the future is bright.

Millions of euros are being spent on this kind of propaganda. Every effort by civil society to call out the emperor’s nudity is countered by an army of official and unofficial counter-information. Last Sunday one of the comment articles in the Times was entitled “They doth protest too much” – it was a suavely written piece at the service of the current status quo. It was also a clear example of the direct attack on civil society based on the age old cliche’ of “divide and rule”. Doubts are sown, motivations are questioned and before you know it you are thinking: Maybe they do protest too much.

This evening government will amass its forces in order to propagate its counter-information against the “intrusion of the foreigner” – which is an old socialist trick that finds a ready acceptance among a voting populace with an insular mentality. The bottom line for today’s official Newspeak Newsletter will be: This is a traitor’s conspiracy to rally the foreigner against Malta. It will probably work.

3. The Government’s Courtesans

In the times of Le Roi Soleil being part of the King’s court meant everything. Unless you were in favour with the king your titles and nobility did not mean much. Over the years this government has built its own team of courtesans – lobby groups, interest groups, appointees, employees and other dependents – who owe the same government a regular show of fealty. Whenever trumpets need to be blown they are there: at the beck and call to do the governments’ bidding. The assault on the calls for change was boosted by the rallying of the courtesans.

Constitutional reform was brushed away as a ridiculous idea, calls for immediate change such as the resignation of a police commissioner and attorney general were once again given the “motive” treatment. Divide and rule. Assign dubious motivation. Then go for the jugular: civil society is asking for mob rule. The two-thirds majority is an absurd suggestion. Miss the wood for the trees. Nitpick their arguments into submission.

The courtesans are an important part of Muscat’s Gattopardian puzzle of maintaining the status quo. They are intent on getting a share of the illusion of wealth that is being created. As plans of neutering our center of thought unfold with a new law giving control of University to government, as our students celebrate the victory of partisanship over thinking, as our Chief Justice becomes a lone voice in an institutional desert, Muscat’s grip over the courtesans means that he can strangle a good part of civil society into submission. Without that part the dissenting voices of civil society become squeaks and squeals that cannot be heard above the Newspeak noise.

4. The Converted

Civil society in Malta had long lost a huge part of its number. The discerning, questioning, part of civil society – the one that legitimately and constantly demands and asks questions of its representatives and of the custodians of its sovereign institutions – has always been a very tiny minority. The rest of what used to be civil society have been groomed into partisan submission. The general narrative – that the nation is passing through one of its most prosperous and wealthy times ever – suits the large part of the converted perfectly. It includes of course those who have voted for and will continue to vote this government based on the promises of prosperity at all odds. It now includes a large part of those who could not bring themselves to vote this government but were also fascinated by the easily obtained prosperity – and could not bring themselves to question whether this was based on healthy foundations.

The converted have no colour. For a long time we wrongly assumed them to be two huge chunks of red or blue. There was a unifying factor of ego-litics – the politics of the self – that they held in common. The common good, the common wealth is not theirs to worry about. Their party, and through their party their aspirations for the self, is what counts most.

5. The Foot-soldiers of Old

The current constitutional crisis saw civil society (or what is left of it) attempt to reform and rally around the call for change. A weak link in this rallying call was the presence of foot-soldiers of old. These are failed politicians of the past: those who seeing the opportunity to revive a dying political career would jump on the bandwagon in one last Hail Mary attempt. There is nothing wrong in a second start mind you, however the dedication to the cause must be clear and the determination to stand by it at all costs must also be clear. If at every opportunity, the cause is hijacked in an attempt to whitewash faults of the past then the damage to civil society is clear.

Malta’s tribalistic politics is the kind of environment where a civil society that can easily be associated with the aims of one or another of our partisan elements is in danger – particularly in these times of heavy counter-information. This is not an appeal for purity, this is not a call for those who are without sin. This is a call for clear commitment.

6. The Cynics and the disparate movements

The biggest weapon available for rendering the civil society cause redundant is the descent into paranoid accusations between exponents and those who have genuine concerns regarding the finality of the cause. The critics and the cynics have their genuine concerns. The defence put up against such concerns does sometimes border on paranoia. What happens generally though is that the whole point of the need for a clear rallying point is missed.

The biggest fault to date of the current movement for change is its disparate nature. Civil Society Network remains an abstract label without a clear definition. Other efforts are working in their little corner built upon spontaneous action triggered by anger and helplessness. That much has been achieved until now is practically a miracle.

The real civil society – what is left once all the establishment, all the converted and all the courtesans and foot-soldiers are removed – still needs to rally clearly behind a definite long-term cause.The groundwork is already there: the rule of law and the return to a democratic society. What is required is a concerted effort bringing together all the elements of the real civil society who are prepared to take the struggle to the long haul.

Civil society has too many obstacles before it and cannot afford to be bogged down by incompetence and division.

The people united can never be defeated.