Category: Politics

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Mediawatch Middle East

Trump u Gerusalemm: Titnehha l-maskra

Intervent li għamel Karl Schembri fil-gażżetta t-Torca. Din qiegħda tiġi riprodotta hawn bil-permess tiegħu. L-opinjoni espressa fl-artiklu hija tiegħu personali.

L-aħbar li l-Amerka tirrikonoxxi Ġerusalemm bħala l-kapitali tal-Iżrael m’għandha taħsad lil ħadd. Jekk xejn, fl-aħħar, tneħħiet il-maskra tad-dupliċita’ perversa tal-Amerikani lejn il-kwistjoni tal-Palestina. Trump, bil-vulgarita’ medjokri tiegħu, ineħħi kwalunkwe pretensjoni falza lejn l-hekk imsemmi ‘proċess ta’ paċi’. Staqsi kwalunkwe Palestinjan u jgħidlek, “xi proċess? B’min trid titnejjek?”. Trump fl-aħħar ta s-siġill tal-approvazzjoni tiegħu lejn kull illegalita’ li twettaq l-Iżrael fil-Palestina okkupata. Mit-tkeċċija tar-residenti Palestinjani f’Ġerusalemm, għat-twaqqiegħ tad-djar u l-iskejjel Palestinjani, sal-bini tal-kolonji Lhud fil-qalba tal-Palestina. Tneħħiet ukoll il-pretensjoni li l-Amerka hija l-medjatur ta’ rieda tajba bejn l-Iżrael u l-Palestina. Trump għamilha ċara iktar minn qatt qabel, imma ma ninsewx li taħt Obama nbnew l-iktar kolonji fl-Istorja u kellna l-ikbar gwerra mdemmija fuq Gaża.

Il-mistoqsija issa hi: X’se tagħmel il-bqija tad-dinja? X’se jagħmlu l-kapijiet Għarab? U x’se jagħmel Mahmoud Abbas? Diġa’ rajna ftit kliem ta’ rabja mill-kapijiet minn madwar id-dinja. X’se jagħmlu dwarha? L-Għarabja Sawdija, il-Ġordan, l-Eġittu u l-istati pupazzi kollha tar-reġjun m’huma se jagħmlu xejn. Bħalissa qed jittollerraw ftit protesti fit-toroq. Ftit ieħor jibdew jarrestaw l-imqarbin li jgħollu leħinhom.
Abbas, li kieku għandu ħabba waħda ta’ dinjita’, ixolji l-Awtorita’ Palestinjana, jagħlaq ir-rappreżentanza Palestinjana f’Washington DC, u jiddikjara darba għal dejjem li l-ftehimiet kollha, ibda minn Oslo, huma nulli u mitfugħin fil-miżbla tal-Istorja. Imma mhux se jagħmel hekk. Jiddependi mill-Amerikani biex iħallas is-salarju tiegħu stess u ta’ eluf ta’ impjegati tal-Awtorita’ Palestinjana.

Il-PLO — l-Organizazzjoni għall-Ħelsien tal-Palestina, imissha issa tagħmel dak li jgħid isimha — twassal għal-liberazzjoni tal-Palestina. Ma fadalx triq politika miftuħa. Għall-Ewropa, dan huwa ċans biex tidħol bħal qatt qabel u tiddefendi l-liġi internazzjonali. Malta għandha tgħolli leħinha fl-Ewropa u tfittex gvernijiet li huma tal-istess fehma sabiex jagħmlu pressjoni fuq l-Iżrael.

L-Iżrael issa, bis-siġill ta’ Trump, se tkompli tagħmel dak li ilha tagħmel għal deċennji. It-tindif etniku tal-Palestina. Din tħalliha b’żewġ possibiltajiet: Jew tiddikjara l-Palestinjani ċittadini tagħha u ttihom drittijiet indaqs bħal-Lhud tal-Iżrael, jew inkella taċċetta li dan huwa stat ta’ Apartheid. U lkoll nafu kif il-bqija tad-dinja trattat l-Afrika t’Isfel fis-snin tal-Apartheid.

Karl Schembri għex għal erba’ snin fil-Palestina okkupata u bħalissa jgħix fil-Ġordan fejn jaħdem bħala media adviser għal-Lvant Nofsani ma’ aġenzija umanitarja. L-opinjoni espressa f’dan l-artiklu hija biss dik personali tiegħu.

Categories
Mediawatch Values

The Truth when Lies are Paid for

Way back in 2005 I chose the slogan “the truth, if I lie” (la vérité si je mens) for this blog. The truth is an important aspect whether we are talking about reporting or opinion forming. Facts and the truth should be the basis of assessment in a normal democracy. We all know by now that in this age of post-truth this has changed:

“We have entered a new phase of political and intellectual combat, in which democratic orthodoxies and institutions are being shaken to their foundations by a wave of ugly populism. Rationality is threatened by emotion, diversity by nativism, liberty by a drift towards autocracy. More than ever, the practice of politics is perceived as a zero-sum game, rather than a contest between ideas. […] At the heart of this global trend is a crash in the value of truth, comparable to the collapse of a currency or a stock.” (Matthew D’Ancona, Post Truth, The new war on truth and how to fight back).

One manifestation of the manipulation of truth is the increasing use of space on mainstream media for paid propagation of information. Large chunks of public money are used to buy space on media to sell statements in an effort to turn them into universally accepted truths. More often than not the use of “statistics” is facilitated by the virtual disappearance of any proper watchdog and by the building of walls of silence that laugh in the face of the transparency that should be reinforcing the veracity of such statements.

Take the “record unemployment” figures that this government loves to flaunt. Behind such figures lie so many half-truths buried in statistical convolutions such as the reformed unemployment scheme that ensures that people vanish off the lists much before they enter gainful employment, such as the obvious reliance on a bloated civil service to take on more “jobs for the boys”. That same record unemployment was behind the use of the power of incumbency in the last election where famously Gozitan entrepreneurs and SME’s and employers in the entertainment industry found themselves short of staff simply because the government did the magic absorbing trick of vanishing their employees away into the civil service.

But there is another equally worrying trend. The government has found ways to buy “authenticity” by purchasing its way onto spaces in the media that could deceivingly be passed away as independent reporting. In the beginning it was close collaboration with houses like The Economist hosting talks in Malta packed full of government spokespersons and ministers. The Economist would be happy to lend its name to a national government paying its way into its discussion space. Two “The World in XXX” events plus one “Mediterranean Leadership Summit” were thus organised by the Economist in Malta at the Hilton Portomaso. The Mediterranean Leadership Summit, held in 2016, included Henley and Partners as its Gold Sponsor (we all know who these are), the Libyan Investment Authority as its Silver Sponsor (notwithstanding the fact that the LIA had had its assets frozen by the UN since 2011), and Finance Malta and Maltco lotteries as contributors.

It is not just events though. Articles can now be bought. Yes, you read that right. Articles on major international news portals can actually be “paid content”. Thus, the CNN article doing the rounds about Malta being one of the Top 15 country destinations for Christmas was apparently yet another paid article. Here are Andrew and Paul Caruana Galizia calling out another paid report, this time one that appeared on the Guardian:

Do not underestimate the government use of paid social media ads and posts (such as facebook campaigns). As time goes by, the Facebook algorithms are fine tuned to push to the top of your screens any paid information. While you scroll through the online papers and you see repeat adverts also paid for by government to promote its spin remember that. The campaign to disinform is much stronger than you think. The solution is to be vigilant and call out whenever you can.

Finally do not let the irony escape you that these lies and half-truths are funded by YOUR money. You are actually paying taxes that are then used to sell you untruths.

It’s a liars’ world out there. The truth, if I lie.

Categories
Constitutional Development Values

The Empress has no clothes!

 

Eleonora Sartori returns with a guest post concerning the concept of shame and its value in today’s society,

The Empress has no clothes! (Not that she would need much in the Bahamas).

“A sinner comes before you, Cersei of House Lannister. Mother to His Grace, King Tommen, widow of His Grace, King Robert. She has committed the acts of falsehood and fornication. She has confessed her sins, and begged for forgiveness. To demonstrate her repentance, she will cast aside all pride, all artifice, and present herself as the gods made her….”

This is how George R.R. Martin describes the ritual of punishment and penance named “walk of atonement”, used to publicly shame women accused of adultery or prostitution. The confessed sinner has to walk a certain distance stripped of all clothing, exposed to the eyes and jeers of the common people.

Somehow, this brings back the image described in the Gospel of John, the Pharisees, when a woman who has committed adultery is brought unto Jesus since she is meant to be publicly shamed by being stoned. Shame is in fact a condition of humiliating disgrace or disrepute, the ignominy of being subject to a very degrading condition. However, Jesus unexpectedly answers back: “He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her.”

“He that is without sin among you”. Another aspect of shame, this time related to the self-awareness of one’s own sins. Shame caused by consciousness of guilt, shortcoming or impropriety.

Shame is indeed a manifold concept. It is also a very important pillar of humankind, as very well stressed by Professor Gardini in an article published some weeks ago on Sette – Corriere della Sera (Di cosa ti vergogni?).

But first, why am I talking about shame right now?

I felt the urge of sharing these thoughts when yesterday I read about the fact that the wife of your Prime Minister has been nominated Volunteer of the Year. As correctly put in an article published on The Shift, “The issue at stake was not the validity of Michelle Muscat’s contribution to charity which includes a 10-hour swim to raise funds for the charity she chairs, but the lack of institutional sobriety that comes across when organs of the State bestow honours on the immediate family members of high ranking officials” (It’s all about perception my dear).

The lack of institutional sobriety combines with the constant lack of transparence of appointment procedures on a worldwide scale. I’m just too tired of this ambiguous scenario we’re currently living in, where on the one hand, we have Ivanka Trump championing the cause of women empowerment by carrying out a Fashion Diplomacy strategy and on the other hand, we see Time Magazine nominating the members of the successful and long-awaited #MeToo campaign as Person of the Year.

Does no one feel ashamed for this current situation?

Then I remembered the article of Professor Gardini and I understood the core message conveyed by it. We’re no longer used to feel any shame nor to feel ashamed. Yet, I truly believe that restoring this precious feeling could only improve the democratic society in which we ought to be living in the 21st century.

Referring to Cicero in his analysis, Professor Gardini underlines that he who is capable of feeling shame presumes the existence of a superior entity, a so-called “superior thought”, that is able to assess and judge the insufficiency of one’s actions and in front of which one needs therefore to repent and rehabilitate. This superior thought is nothing but a set of values to which abides the community to whom we belong. A set of values respected by the other members of his community, who can judge and criticize you if you go off track.

Therefore, the sense of guilt is not merely private, but has a public dimension too. It’s the core expression of the principle of accountability.

But what about this principle in the digital era?

Professor Gardini correctly points out that nowadays we no longer belong to a community, but we choose virtual groups to which we want to belong. These groups do not form small societies based on confrontation and discussion, but instead exist as virtual projections of one’s imagine of one’s self. I create my group and in that group I am that particular version of myself.

Thus, in my virtual group I can always claim to be constantly right, since I have the right to reject every kind of confrontation and the arrogance not to take into account any potential different opinion. So much for the principle of accountability.

And yet, there is a very simple way to restore the role of shame in our modern society.

It’s every citizen’s duty to reintegrate into their daily routine the perception of shame and shameful actions. As well pointed out by the Background Paper published by SIDA on Accountability, Transparency and the Rule of Law within the Post-2015 Agenda, “the mere process and framework of accountability, transparency and the rule of law is not enough. What comes out of these structures and processes will, in the end, be determined by the social cohesion among people, as well as by the values and the political environment in society. Individuals have responsibilities and powers of their own to change and affect social norms and trends. Formal structures alone can never guarantee decent societies. »

It is you, the people, who have to publicly shame who you think does not abide by your set of values.

“Then the eyes of both of them were opened, and they realized they were naked; so they sewed fig leaves together and made coverings for themselves.” reads Genesis 3:7.

 

Categories
Politics

Malta, l-UE u r-rifuġji fiskali

L-ewwel parti: Rifuġji Fiskali u Politika Ewropea

Ilbieraħ l-Unjoni Ewropea ippublikat “blacklist” ta’ rifuġji fiskali (tax havens) u din tinkludi 17-il pajjiż barra l-Unjoni illi jitqiesu bħala pajjiżi li ma jikkoperawx f’materji fiskali. Milli stajt nara, ir-reazzjoni għal din l-aħbar kienet waħda li tirrefletti konfużjoni kbira kemm dwar is-suġġett innifsu kif ukoll dwar il-protagonisti principali.

Ħa nibdew mill-kwistjoni ta’ rifuġji fiskali (tax havens). Il-villaġġ globali li inħoloq wara tmiem it-tieni gwerra dinjija jiddependi ħafna fuq l-iskambju ekonomiku, is-swieqi ħielsa jew swieqi ta’ skambju kummercjali u l-mobilita’. Is-swieq ħielsa kienu pedament importanti sabiex, fost l-oħrajn, ikun hemm incentiv biżżejjed biex pajjiżi fil-kontinent il-qadim jingħaqdu u għall-ewwel darba wara mijiet ta’ snin iwaqqfu il-gwerer ta’ bejniethom.

L-Unjoni Ewropea inbniet fuq il-pedamenti ta’ erba’ libertajiet ekonomici – il-moviment liberu tal-prodotti, tas-servizzi, tal-kapitali u tal-persuni. L-ewwel drittijiet ta’ moviment ħieles kienu marbutin strettament mal-ekonomija u l-possibilita’ li tikber. Il-ħsieb kien, u għadu, li l-ġenerazzjoni ta’ ġid jikber u jitqassam. Sadattant parallel mal-iżviluppi ekonomici fil-kuntest ta’ swieq u economies of scale, il-pajjiżi membri kienu ukoll baqgħu jipperfezzjonaw sistemi ta’ welfare – saħħa, edukazzjoni ecc illi mhux biss huma kumplimentari għall ekonomija iżda jitqiesu bħala essenzjali għall-qgħada tajba tac-cittadini ta’ pajjiz.

Tajjeb li wieħed ifakkar li minkejja li l-Unjoni Ewropea hija għaqda ta’ stati, dawn jibqgħu sovrani u jżommu għalihom id-dritt sovran li jirregolaw certi oqsma. Kull tant żmien jiġu innegozjati pakketti ta’ armonizzazzjoni li jfissru li l-politika f’certu oqsma ikollha standard minimu komuni jew sahansitra regola komuni li tapplika indaqs ma kullhadd. Meta jkunu qed jagixxu b’dan il-mod l-istati ikunu qed jaħdmu fl-interess tagħhom stess (individwalment) qabel ma jikkunsidraw il-bżonnijiet komuni. Hija sistema ta’ kompromessi u negozjar fejn wieħed icedi naħa u jirbaħ oħra.

Ir-reġim fiskali huwa qasam li qajla qed jiġi armonizzat. L-interessi ta’ pajjiżi differenti anki fi ħdan l-UE huma differenti. Pajjiżi li specjalizzaw f’sistemi fiskali attrajenti – bħal Malta, Lussemburgu, l-Irlanda u l-Pajjiżi Baxxi – għandhom interess li ma jippermettux stati oħra jirregolaw dan il-qasam iżżejjed għaliex jitilfu ħafna mid-dħul li għandhom. Ma ninsewx ukoll li minkejja l-indinjazzkoni li juru certi pajjiżi hekk imsejħa kbar, dawn ukoll jabbużaw minn mekkaniżmi fiskali li inħolqu f’territorji iżghar li qiegħdin fil-kontroll tagħħhom Hekk Spanja, Franza, l-Italja u r-Renju Unit igawdu mis-sistemi fiskali ad hoc maħluqa f’postijiet bħal Andorra, Monaco, San Marino, ic-Channel Islands u Liechtenstein.

Huwa car li dan il-qasam huwa wieħed fejn l-interessi nazzjonali fi ħdan l-UE jirbaħ kull sforz ta’ armonizzazzoni konkreta. Il-pajjiżi ma jitiflux cans li jisparaw fuq pajjiz membru ieħor ma’ l-ewwel sinjal ta’ djufija… dan jispjega ukoll kif id-dibattitu dwar il-qiegħda tal-istat ta’ dritt f’Malta ġie żvijat kemm il-darba fuq il-kwistjoni ta’ rifuġju fiskali – kwistjoni li tellfet ħafna mill-kwalita’ tad-diskussjoni. Minkejja li ma hemmx dubju li pajjiż fiskalment attraenti jista’ jiġbed l-interess ta’ flus hekk imsejħa “maħmuġa” u b’hekk isir pajjiż komdu għall-ħasil ta’ tali flus, il-fatt jibqa li l-kwistjoni ta’ stat ta’ dritt hija importanti għax b’istituzzjonijiet li jiggarantixxu li dan ma jsirx (permezz ta monitoring tajjeb u indipendenza) l-attrativita’ fiskali ma ssirx awtomatikament bejta tal-ħasil ta’ flus.

Issa, biex nerġgħu għad-dikjarazzjoni tal-UE dwar il-lista’ s-sewda. Jekk hemm xi ħaġa li tgħaqqad il-pajjiżi Ewropej fuq kwistjonijiet fiskali hija proprju dik dwar kompetitivita’ fuq skala internazzjonali. X’ifisser dan? Ifisser li filwaqt li difficli li wieħed jimmaġina lill-pajjiżi tal-UE jaqblu dwar limiti ta’ tassazzjoni bejniethom, l-istess ma jistax jingħad fir-rigward tal-konkorrenza internazzjonali minn pajjiżi bħal Panama. Hu għalhekk illi mill-aspett Ewropew ma hix ħaġa sorpredenti li sar il-qbil li sar illi iffoka fuq pajjiżi barra l-UE.

It-tieni parti: Rifuġji fiskali vs kompetitivita’ fiskali

Wieħed irid ukoll joqgħod attent meta jitkellem dwar sistemi fiskali differenti li jeżistu kemm fl-Ewropa kif ukoll fil-bqija tad-dinja. Reġim fiskali li jiffacilita l-ħasil ta’ flus ma huwiex fuq l-istess livell ta’ reġim fiskali illi joffri vantaġġi lil min jiflaħ iħallas għal dak it-tip ta’ ippjanar.

Ir-rifuġju fiskali illi minħabba monitoraġġ laxk jew nuqqas totali ta’ kontrolli jsir għodda ta’ ħasil ta’ flus ma huwa qatt se jiġi promoss – la fis-sistema Ewropea u lanqas f’dik dinjija. Ir-raġuni hija waħda ovvja – is-sors illegali tal-flus li jaslu f’dan it-tip ta’ reġim huwa problema għall-pajjiżi kollha għaliex jsaħħaħ sistemi illegali li jtellfu mis-sistema ekonomika dinjija kif ukoll huma moralment reprensibbli. Pajjiż bħal Panama li dan l-aħħar ħareġ fic-car mill-Panama papers li kien jonqos ħafna mill-iskrutinju (tant li persuni li suppost huma meqjusa bħala politikament esposti (PEP’s – politically exposed persons) xorta sabu mod kif jiftħu kontijiet hemm – awtomatikament jaqa’ taħt din il-kategorija ta’ rifuġji fiskali.

Mill-banda l-oħra pajjiżi bħal Malta stess għandhom interess li jkollhom politika ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Huma specjalment pajjizi żgħar illi ma jifilħux jikkompetu f’oqsma ta’ produzzjoni u manifattura illi ħafna drabi jittantaw it-triq ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Il-kritika li jaqilgħu dawn il-pajjiżi – li kull ma jagħmlu hu li joffru kundizzjonijiet favorevoli sabiex kumpaniji jagħżlu li jkunu intaxxati f’pajjiżhom – hi li qed jaqilgħu il-flus minn fuq dar ħaddieħor. Bosta drabi s-sistema ekonomika ta’ pajjiż hija waħda kumplimentari – dħul minn taxxi u ħruġ fuq welfare. Issa jekk pajjiż partikolari qed jara li t-taxxi li seta jiġbor minn kumpaniji qed “jaħarbu” lejn pajjiżi oħra b’sistema kompetitiva ta’ taxxi wieħed jifhem għalfejn ma hux kuntent.

It-tielet parti: Il-politika fiskali u l-moralita’

Ħafna kritika tas-sistemi fiskali ġeneralment titfa’ il kull tip ta’ sistema f’keffa waħda. Dawk li jpinġu sistemi li potenzjalment jiffrankaw t-taxxa lil min jiflaħ ħafna bħala sistemi li huma moralment reprensibbli ma għandhomx tort sa l-aħħar. Fl-istess waqt pero ma nistgħux ninjoraw illi d-differenzi bejn sistemi u oħrajn – illi jikkonsistu fis-solidita’ ta’ skrutinju u trasparenza – huma importanti ukoll. Nieħdu lil Malta illi għaliha huwa importanti ħafna s-settur ta’ kompetitivita’ fiskali. Id-deciżjoni jekk il-pajjiż għandux ikompli f’din it-triq hija waħda importanti u hija politika fil-veru sens tal-kelma.

Trid tkun għami iżraq jekk taħseb li s-sigurta’ socjali li tgawdi minnha bħalissa ma hix frott ukoll ta’ profitti li s-sistema fiskali preżenti qed toħloq. Dan ma jfissirx li ma gġandhomx jitqiegħdu f’diskussjoni kemm il-politika fiskali, kif ukoll il-politika dwar gaming per eżempju – li hija sistema oħra leġiżlattiva fejn nisfruttaw vantaġġ kompetittiv fiskali biex niġbdu f’pajjiżna flejjes bħal dawn.

Li rrid ngħid hu li ma hemm xejn ħażin li jkollna dubji dwar is-sistemi politici tagħna. Anzi, huwa importanti illi minn żmien għall-ieħor il-pajjiż ikollu diskussjonijiet dwar l-identita’ tiegħu. Pero ma nistgħux nitfgħu kollox f’keffa waħda u  ma nassumux il-fatt li sistemi fiskali huma parti mis-success ricenti tal-pajjiz.

Ma huwiex sorprendenti li Malta ingħaqdet mal-pajjiżi tal-UE u sawwret lista sewda ta’ pajjiżi bħal dik li għandna issa. Li hu sorprendenti hu li bħala membru tal-kunsill UE, Malta qablet u ivvutat li wieħed minn dawn il-pajjiżi ikun il-Panama. Ir-rappreżentant tal-gvern li ivvota kien qed jivvota u jaqbel mal-fatt illi il-pajjiż fejn Ministru tal-Kabinet u Chief of Staff tal-Prim Ministru fetħu kumpaniji huwa pajjiż illi jisħoqqlu label ta’ blacklist għaliex hemm suspetti kbar ta’ nuqqas ta’ trasparenza. Jekk xejn dik hija l-iktar aħbar sorprendenti li ħarġet.

 

Categories
Constitutional Development Politics

Diskors ta’ Immanuel Mifsud waqt dimostrazzjoni tan-Netwerk ta’ Soċjetá Ċivili

Diskors qed jiġi riprodott bil-permess tal-awtur.

Tliet snin ilu, fl-okkażjoni ta’ Jum ir-Repubblika, il-President Coleiro Preca għamlet diskors li fih appellat lis-soċjetà ċivili biex din ixxammar il-kmiem u taħdem hija wkoll għall-ġid tar-Repubblika. F’dak id-diskors, il-President saħqet li d-demokrazija tal-pajjiż teħtieġ li s-soċjetà ċivili tkun soċjetà kritika “li tirrifjuta li tkun oġġett tal-istorja, li tinsisti li taqsam mal-politiċi r-responsabbiltà li tittrasforma l-bejta umana.”

Dak li qalet il-President ifisser, fi kliem ieħor, li s-soċjetà ċivili – aħna – għandna responsabbiltà li fil-fehma tiegħi għadna m’aħniex nieħdu u li wasal iż-żmien li verament nieħdu r-riedni li d-demokrazija tagħtina f’idejna.
Minkejja l-progress li dan il-pajjiż għamel matul is-snin, is-soċjetà ċivili għadha ma saritx soċjetà kritika. Ir-raġuni primarja għal dan hija li għadna nħallu f’idejn il-politiċi biex imexxu huma; għadna bil-ħsieb li l-pajjiż huwa tagħhom; anzi, agħar minn hekk, għadna naċċettaw li aħna tal-politiċi minflok il-politiċi huma tagħna.

Biex dak li qalet il-President tar-Repubblika tliet snin ilu mqar jibda jseħħ, jeħtieġ nitgħallmu ngħidu lill-politiċi li d-demokrazija ma tiddependix minnhom iżda mis-soċjetà kritika li ma tiddejjaqx tgħid le fejn jeħtieġ li jingħad le. Soċjetà kritika hija soċjetà li ma tiddejjaqx tikkritika lill-partiti; li temmen li l-kritika lill-pajjiż mhijiex tradiment iżda impenn; li l-partit qiegħed hemm għaliha u mhux hi għall-partit.

Snin ilu xi ħadd kien għamel diskors li fih kien elenka numru ta’ ħolmiet li kellu, ħolmiet li setgħu dehru impossibbli. Ma tgħaddilix minn moħħi li nipprova nimita dak id-diskors imma aċċettajt li niġi hawn illum – u naf li ħafna kienu dawk li ssorprendew irwieħhom li tlajt fuq dan il-palk – appuntu għaliex anki jien għandi ħolma. Jien verament nixtieq li nimxu lejn mument u sitwazzjoni li fihom is-soċjetà ċivili tkun hi li tmexxi l-pajjiż bil-ħiliet kritiċi tagħha; li dal-pajjiż ma jibqax blata b’mentalità tribali li minnha jgawdu biss dawk il-ftit li għandhom il-poter; appuntu li l-poter ma jibqax jiġi effettwat minn fuq għal isfel; li l-istudenti tagħna, fl-istituzzjonijiet postsekondarji u terzjarji ma jibqgħux ikunu politiċi billi jikkompetu bejniethom bit-tessera fil-but; li l-vot ikun verament ħieles; li l-mezzi tax-xandir, minbarra li jirrispettaw l-intelliġenza tagħna ma jibqgħux imarrduna b’din l-iskiżofrenija li fuq kollox hija giddieba; li l-libertà tal-espressjoni – il-buzzword il-ġdida – nifhmu xi tfisser eżattament u nibdew neżerċitawha b’responsabbiltà u b’kuraġġ; li għax tkun soċjetà kritika tkun, awtomatikament, soċjetà pluralista u li dan jiġi rifless mhux biss fil-ħajja ta’ kuljum imma anki fis-sala prinċipali ta’ dan il-bini t’hawnhekk.

Matul iż-żmien qalulna ħafna affarijiet: qalulna bdiet rebbiegħa ġdida; qalulna żmien il-bużullotti spiċċa; qalulna wasal terremot mill-isbaħ; qalulna li pajjiżna tagħna lkoll; li konna taħt tmexxija soda; qalulna li dan hu l-aqwa żmien. U aħna emminniehom; kull darba emminniehom. Iżda soċjetà kritika m’għandhiex taċċetta kollox kif ġie ġie: għall-kuntrarju għandha tistaqsi, għandha żżomm għajnejha miftuħa.

Iltqajna hawnhekk ukoll wara dak li ġara ftit tal-ġimgħat ilu, meta xi ħadd iddeċieda li għandu jsikket lil xi ħadd ieħor, ipoġġi bomba fil-karozza u jżid vittma oħra. L-istorja ta’ dan il-pajjiż tfakkarna, fix-xahar ta’ Diċembru, fi tfajla li fetħet pakkett li ma kellha qatt tiftħu, u f’ġuvni li qagħad sa tard filgħaxija f’kamra fejn ma kellux jibqa’, għax xi ħadd iddeċieda li jimposta l-bombi u jispara fejn ġie ġie. Persważ li nittamaw li dan l-aħħar każ ma jispiċċax bħal dawn it-tnejn: mitlufa fit-trab tal-istorja, bil-feriti miftuħa beraħ.

Bdejt billi kkwotajt lill-President tar-Repubblika u nagħlaq b’sentenza oħra minn tagħha li nħoss li għandha tiggwida u tispira t-triq ’il quddiem: “Repubblika li tibża’ mill-intellettwali, li toħnoq, tirredikola jew tinjora l-ħsieb kritiku, hija Repubblika dgħajfa u waħda li ma laħqitx il-milja tagħha.”

Grazzi ħafna.
Immanuel Mifsud
Il-Belt, 3 ta’ Diċembru 2017

Categories
Constitutional Development Mediawatch

The Beautiful Garden

The atmosphere at the European Parliament this Tuesday was surreal to say the least. Not being too familiar with the building I arrived just as the debate on the Rule of Law in Malta had kicked off and took a seat hurriedly in the visitor’s balcony. Just as I started to take in the different speeches I noticed that I was seated a couple of seats away from Daphne’s family and the whole business took a wholly different perspective.

It was inevitable that different agendas would be pushed during such a debate. It was, as predicted, a repeat of the Pana Committee meetings with many deputies intent on taking advantage of this moment of weakness of the Maltese state in order to peddle their usual attacks on the island nation’s fiscal policy. Politics is politics and it would be too much to ask of all the deputies in the house to stick to the agenda at hand. Probably.

I felt very ill at ease though, for every other thirty seconds Daphne’s name was brought up. Whether it was to bolster an argument regarding the state of the rule of law in Malta or whether it was to harp on that spurious link between a legitimate fiscal policy and an atrocious cold-blooded murder, those three words would be repeated and would rebound along the walls of the Hemicycle. Each time I heard the name I did not dare look at Daphne’s family but I could not help wonder how awkward all this might seem, how distant from the warmth of a mother and a wife. True, we were there also because of what had happened and yet the way most politicians took over the name and memory of the recently departed did not seem right.

The weak respects jarred mostly in the mouths of those who could barely hide their contempt towards the very fact that we were there in that room, discussing the failure of a society and not only the failure of law and government. They went through the motions expressing regret for Daphne’s sudden departure though it sounded as convincing as a note of apology by the Transport Authority whenever the buses run late.

It was painful. Painful for me as a mere outsider who quite readily admits to having had strong differences of opinion with Daphne throughout the last years and who refuses to succumb to the temptation of creating false hagiographies. In fact I am quite happy to be clear that I did not find Daphne and her work to be perfect. Far from it. It is like stating the obvious. Somehow though I feel that it makes my case for demanding respect for her work all the stronger. Above all it puts the moment in perspective – there is an institutional crisis that led to a journalist being killed while doing her work and without any doubt because of the work she was doing. Daphne was killed with impunity because, in the words of her husband, she mattered.

The institutional crisis, the social deficit, predates Daphne’s assassination. The battle against the rot definitely predates Daphne’s assassination. The warning signs predate Daphne’s assassination. The side of Daphne that we want to remember and be inspired by is the one that was so ably described by her husband. It is the one who aspired to beauty in a world that she saw (as did many others) turn uglier by the minute. Before the situation became desperate it had already turned ugly. So ugly that it rendered others cynical. So ugly that many lost hope.

This is not about a sanctification of a person. This is about continuing the work that Daphne excelled in and that others too worked hard for with different results. The inspiration we should and must take is the Beautiful Garden. We should each build our own little garden and start to expand that slowly until the gardens take over.

The gardens are our hope, our courage, our future.

 

“But Daphne never grew cynical; she grew outraged and appalled by the increasingly sordid and frightening facts that emerged from her work. The more frustrated she grew at the state of our country, the more beautiful our garden became, the more trees she planted, the more books, art, ornaments and curiosities from all over the world arrived at our home. Daphne created, in the words of one of my sons, a parallel world of beauty in a country that slipped further and further away from European values and norms of behaviour which she held so closely. Meanwhile, Daphne’s work never slowed. With every story she broke, particularly about the money laundering network with links deep and wide connecting many of Malta’s political and business elite, her readership grew larger and more loyal.” – Peter Caruana Galizia