Categories
Environment

The Environment Front

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Last Saturday’s protest rally in Valletta by Front Harsien ODZ (FHODZ) is being hailed as an historic milestone in Maltese politics. Mike Briguglio listed his own reasons as to why this could be so in his post “Making history from Zonqor to Beyond – the Front phenomenon“. It is precisely the “Front” phenomenon that interests me the most – and this in the wider context of the “beyond” rather than in the limited context of Zonqor.

What is a “front” and how does it fit into the current political spectrum? What impact will it have in the long-term scenario of Maltese politics?

It was rather revealing to read descriptions of the FHODZ on the facebook pages in the run up to the protest. You began with a “front” which is a term that perforce implies battles and wars. A “front” implies engagement – a battle, a struggle. The term immediately recognises activism with intent to obtain direct results. This is not merely a foundation or an organisation representing a set of values – it had a target that necessarily implied direct engagement in the battle. The battlezone too was clearly defined – it was the protection of Malta’s politically defined zones that are outside development areas.

In their own descriptions of the front members quickly segued to the term “movement”. The description of the Front on its facebook page is quite clear in that respect : “Front Harsien ODZ is a citizens’ movement which welcomes support from all sectors of society. The goals of this Front are purely environmental.” The term movement has been monopolised for some time by the Taghna Lkoll wave of Maltese politics – the coalition of interests (and promises) that proved to be the right ticket to ride the wave of dissatisfaction with GonziPN. It is probably with this in mind that the name of the organisation carries the term “Front” and not “Moviment”. That such a choice would be made is quite fitting with the general attitude of the Frontists to stress their a-partisan element whenever they can.

Which brings me to the next defining point of the Front. Great pains were taken (and are still being taken) to stress that the Front is non-partisan – to the extent that some use the term non-political to describe its field of activity. In doing this the Front plays to the same sanitised collective utopic ideal that we have become used to of late when hearing speeches of the Taghna Lkoll camp (typical statements include “ma hemmx kuluri”, “ilkoll ahwa maltin”, “ma jimpurtax int min int u inti x’int”). In this utopia the collective baddie is the partisan politician and the saviour is the new style apolitical politician who supposedly has some form of national interest at heart based on some home-spun mythology or ideal.

The dynamic of political persuasion and participation as opted for by the Front is both necessary and counter-productive at the same time. On the one hand, the Maltese demos has now been fed the spin of “Politicians Do Evil” (and admittedly have had ample evidence smacked in their faces) for quite some time. This is why the Front had to provide a sanitised version of political activism. The Maltese “podemos” or CinqueStelle crowd could only be stirred into political action of some kind by being told that this is anything but political.

Having chosen that delicate road of politics with sanitary gloves and masks on the Front then had to engage with politicians because last we checked this was a working liberal democracy that has also got a role for popular pressure and lobbying. In order to get people on board this had to seem like a protest against all politicians for all the harm they caused and for all the harm they will cause. Even the church got its own dose of hand-slapping for daring to give its two-cents’ worth. The risk at that point was that the Front would be diluted by Pythonesque bickering related to who they where and what they wanted.

The holier-than-politicians attitude would provoke equally absurd reactions such as the infamous “Where were you? (fejn kontu?)” retort. Absurd might the retort be (and wholly ridiculous given the context) but it was a direct corollary of the need of the Front to define their goals in apolitical terms when every breath and step they took was steeped in politics of the finest kind. The very continuity guaranteed by the ever-present environmental activists no matter who was in government was in fact a guarantee of political perseverance and not of NGO oblivion. Which is why the Front was at its best when it could show a full curriculum of political activism as witnessed in the various Mike Briguglios and James Debonos. Their constant presence was as political as it could get – and a proof that the embracing of environmental values in politics is important: far from the ascetic crowd pooh-poohing politics with a big P.

“Politicians Protect Our Environment” read one of the banners at the hugely successful protest. Where does the Front go from there? What are its short-term goals? Are they enough? Muscat has toyed with the Zonqor ODZ as though it were another pawn in a huge chessboard to be moved at his whim and fancy. His latest comments post-protest are neither here nor there: labelling the Front as “extremist”, practically ordering the cancellation of a counter-protest (was it his to cancel?), speaking of a compromise that he apparently reached with himself to go ahead with partial destruction of the Zonqor area.

Is getting Muscat to keep his hands off Zonqor enough? When it comes to the opposition and its commitments, not a day goes by that the Front does not do its best to denigrate any attempt of the party in opposition to wipe clean its slate on environment and take on a new set of values that would be much more than Muscat’s compromise. Shouldn’t the Front be grasping this opportunity of reshaping the environmental and planning policy of one of the major parties as soon it has a chance? The snide remarks and lack of trust will get its members nowhere beyond their Warhol fifteen minutes of fame because when all is said and done and when the last poster is put away it is back to the bigger battle between two parties for the management of our nation and its heritage.

The way I see it, rather than pushing away the PN for its past errors, the Front should be embracing the goodwill of the party and getting it to commit pen on paper to a series of values. All this talk about not trusting politicians because “look what Joseph did once he got into power” is neither here nor there and politically naive. A failure to understand the dynamics of political representation is also a failure towards the people joining the movement with the intention of obtaining concrete results (excuse the unhappy pun).

My idea would be a charter on environment and planning that goes beyond building in ODZ and tackles head-on the environmental challenges for the future. A charter on sustainable development, on the use of current properties, on the preservation of ODZ and natural areas. A serious overall study of the values that should underpin our nation’s future both urban and countryside development. If all this were crystallised in a Charter then the Front’s real achievement would be getting all political parties to subscribe to it. To commit to it. In writing.

Sure you might remain cynical and claim that parties would do it for the votes but then again that is the whole dynamic of representative politics isn’t it? The Front’s role is to create civic aware citizens who are prepared to immediately hold the politicians to their promises. It’s role is to obtain clarity, its battle is to get the parties that represent the people to embrace this clarity and commitment. First in words then also in action.

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Categories
Environment Politics

The Lie of the Movements

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When Joseph Muscat came up with the idea of backing a Jordanian builder’s plan to try his luck with owning a university, and when Joseph Muscat agreed to place this trial run uni on public ODZ land, he had no idea of the movement that would build up against him. This is the generally accepted storyline as it is evolving. Muscat makes a pact with the devil and sells off another piece of prime national land and suddenly everybody who counts is up in arms united against the tyrant’s move.

The question of whether or not the university is a legitimate educational enterprise or whether it is really a trojan horse for well-heeled arab youngsters to get their temporary visa into Schengen as a bonus add-on to a pay-as-you-go diploma has been mostly set aside. The political debate as it is has almost entirely swallowed the spin that this is a bonus for education in Malta (or as Varist infamously put it  – breaking of the university monopoly in Malta).  Some academics have started to rumble about the lack of transparency in this regard but most of the rumbling is and has been about the violation of Malta’s ODZ – outside development zone – rules.

Muscat helped push the disdain factor to new limits with his “by hook or by crook” approach early on. This managed to unite a number of different lobby groups under one banner – the newly formed Front Harsien ODZ (Front for the Protection of the ODZs). It’s a simple banner to fall under – if you have Malta’s ODZ and their preservation at heart then you can join. The founders were quick to point out the apolitical nature of the front – in the farcical Maltese style of apolitical that still defies real definition.

The actual political milieu had also begun to have its say. While the Front could boast of the support of various NGOs and of course of Alternattiva Demokratika – ever consistent in its environmental battles – its ranks were soon boosted by the rationally vociferous Marlene Farrugia and her husband Godfrey who is also the whip of the Labour party. We also had the admirable Desiree Attard – a Labour councillor in Marsascala who joined the ranks of those opposing the rape of ODZ land.

Was this a Movement in the making? Is this the opportunity to plant a Podemos or 5stelle? Probably not. The only way the Front Harsien ODZ could rally sufficient support is by staying out of actual politics. Popular movements in Malta – real ones with political stands not faux movements glued together with the sole aim of achieving power – can only be created around issue-specific moments. They can be partially successful if they prove not to have a long term ambition of becoming a party (as in contest an election).

Front Harsien is an important reaction of civic society. It is destined though to remain an issue specific blip on the political spectrum. Which brings me to the party in opposition. A number of backers of the Front Harsien have been quick to shoot down any attempt by the PN to make the issue its own. Their reasoning is that the PN track record on development does not allow it to take a stand now.

In many ways this antagonistic approach is flawed. Given that the Front Harsien has no aspiration to become a political movement, the second best thing it could do is to engage directly with the parties in their respective roles. Right now engagement with the party in government means opposing its plans to ruin ODZ whenever they crop up. Engaging with the PN intelligently would not mean acting as though it is the same antagonist as when it was in government. This is the time to get clear, precise commitments from the PN about how it would act when it inevitably – one day – is in control of the reigns of power.

Getting the PN to clearly commit to protect ODZ’s in the future is as much of a victory for the Front Harsien as would be preventing the PL government from ruining the ODZ at the moment. Exponents such as AD’s Cassola and Cacopardo would do better than rant about PN ‘hypocrisy’ because in realpolitik terms when it comes to safeguarding the ODZ it gets them nowhere.

Get the PN to commit and commit clearly and half your work is done. The other half is more difficult. Get Muscat and his jordanian partners to keep their hands off the ODZs… then the work of the movement is done. And the lie of the land will have taken a good turn.