Categories
Environment

The Environment Front

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Last Saturday’s protest rally in Valletta by Front Harsien ODZ (FHODZ) is being hailed as an historic milestone in Maltese politics. Mike Briguglio listed his own reasons as to why this could be so in his post “Making history from Zonqor to Beyond – the Front phenomenon“. It is precisely the “Front” phenomenon that interests me the most – and this in the wider context of the “beyond” rather than in the limited context of Zonqor.

What is a “front” and how does it fit into the current political spectrum? What impact will it have in the long-term scenario of Maltese politics?

It was rather revealing to read descriptions of the FHODZ on the facebook pages in the run up to the protest. You began with a “front” which is a term that perforce implies battles and wars. A “front” implies engagement – a battle, a struggle. The term immediately recognises activism with intent to obtain direct results. This is not merely a foundation or an organisation representing a set of values – it had a target that necessarily implied direct engagement in the battle. The battlezone too was clearly defined – it was the protection of Malta’s politically defined zones that are outside development areas.

In their own descriptions of the front members quickly segued to the term “movement”. The description of the Front on its facebook page is quite clear in that respect : “Front Harsien ODZ is a citizens’ movement which welcomes support from all sectors of society. The goals of this Front are purely environmental.” The term movement has been monopolised for some time by the Taghna Lkoll wave of Maltese politics – the coalition of interests (and promises) that proved to be the right ticket to ride the wave of dissatisfaction with GonziPN. It is probably with this in mind that the name of the organisation carries the term “Front” and not “Moviment”. That such a choice would be made is quite fitting with the general attitude of the Frontists to stress their a-partisan element whenever they can.

Which brings me to the next defining point of the Front. Great pains were taken (and are still being taken) to stress that the Front is non-partisan – to the extent that some use the term non-political to describe its field of activity. In doing this the Front plays to the same sanitised collective utopic ideal that we have become used to of late when hearing speeches of the Taghna Lkoll camp (typical statements include “ma hemmx kuluri”, “ilkoll ahwa maltin”, “ma jimpurtax int min int u inti x’int”). In this utopia the collective baddie is the partisan politician and the saviour is the new style apolitical politician who supposedly has some form of national interest at heart based on some home-spun mythology or ideal.

The dynamic of political persuasion and participation as opted for by the Front is both necessary and counter-productive at the same time. On the one hand, the Maltese demos has now been fed the spin of “Politicians Do Evil” (and admittedly have had ample evidence smacked in their faces) for quite some time. This is why the Front had to provide a sanitised version of political activism. The Maltese “podemos” or CinqueStelle crowd could only be stirred into political action of some kind by being told that this is anything but political.

Having chosen that delicate road of politics with sanitary gloves and masks on the Front then had to engage with politicians because last we checked this was a working liberal democracy that has also got a role for popular pressure and lobbying. In order to get people on board this had to seem like a protest against all politicians for all the harm they caused and for all the harm they will cause. Even the church got its own dose of hand-slapping for daring to give its two-cents’ worth. The risk at that point was that the Front would be diluted by Pythonesque bickering related to who they where and what they wanted.

The holier-than-politicians attitude would provoke equally absurd reactions such as the infamous “Where were you? (fejn kontu?)” retort. Absurd might the retort be (and wholly ridiculous given the context) but it was a direct corollary of the need of the Front to define their goals in apolitical terms when every breath and step they took was steeped in politics of the finest kind. The very continuity guaranteed by the ever-present environmental activists no matter who was in government was in fact a guarantee of political perseverance and not of NGO oblivion. Which is why the Front was at its best when it could show a full curriculum of political activism as witnessed in the various Mike Briguglios and James Debonos. Their constant presence was as political as it could get – and a proof that the embracing of environmental values in politics is important: far from the ascetic crowd pooh-poohing politics with a big P.

“Politicians Protect Our Environment” read one of the banners at the hugely successful protest. Where does the Front go from there? What are its short-term goals? Are they enough? Muscat has toyed with the Zonqor ODZ as though it were another pawn in a huge chessboard to be moved at his whim and fancy. His latest comments post-protest are neither here nor there: labelling the Front as “extremist”, practically ordering the cancellation of a counter-protest (was it his to cancel?), speaking of a compromise that he apparently reached with himself to go ahead with partial destruction of the Zonqor area.

Is getting Muscat to keep his hands off Zonqor enough? When it comes to the opposition and its commitments, not a day goes by that the Front does not do its best to denigrate any attempt of the party in opposition to wipe clean its slate on environment and take on a new set of values that would be much more than Muscat’s compromise. Shouldn’t the Front be grasping this opportunity of reshaping the environmental and planning policy of one of the major parties as soon it has a chance? The snide remarks and lack of trust will get its members nowhere beyond their Warhol fifteen minutes of fame because when all is said and done and when the last poster is put away it is back to the bigger battle between two parties for the management of our nation and its heritage.

The way I see it, rather than pushing away the PN for its past errors, the Front should be embracing the goodwill of the party and getting it to commit pen on paper to a series of values. All this talk about not trusting politicians because “look what Joseph did once he got into power” is neither here nor there and politically naive. A failure to understand the dynamics of political representation is also a failure towards the people joining the movement with the intention of obtaining concrete results (excuse the unhappy pun).

My idea would be a charter on environment and planning that goes beyond building in ODZ and tackles head-on the environmental challenges for the future. A charter on sustainable development, on the use of current properties, on the preservation of ODZ and natural areas. A serious overall study of the values that should underpin our nation’s future both urban and countryside development. If all this were crystallised in a Charter then the Front’s real achievement would be getting all political parties to subscribe to it. To commit to it. In writing.

Sure you might remain cynical and claim that parties would do it for the votes but then again that is the whole dynamic of representative politics isn’t it? The Front’s role is to create civic aware citizens who are prepared to immediately hold the politicians to their promises. It’s role is to obtain clarity, its battle is to get the parties that represent the people to embrace this clarity and commitment. First in words then also in action.

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Categories
Hunting

Gone Cuckoo, in flagrante

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In his first interventions following the referendum result, Prime Minister Muscat embarked on a wonderful exercise in tautology. “Illegal acts will not go unpunished”, he thundered. or something to that effect. The audience was supposed to stand back in admiration (never be condescending to local politicians) and applaud this strong willed PM who was prepared to punish illegalities. Really? Why? Would they have gone unpunished had he not uttered those words?

Then there was the ultimate threat of cutting short the hunting season that had miraculously been declared open without so much as a by-your-leave (so long as the hunter-leaning ORNIS committee says so… backed by Labour of course…then hunt,  hunt, hunt). However Muscat did say that he would stop the hunting season should it turn out that there are “flagrant illegalities”. Flagrant eh. We smelt a rat in this blog. The key was obviously in the control Muscat had over what would be termed flagrant and what would not.

Muscat had slipped however. He had tried once again to set the goalposts but in his shocked post-referendum rush (it may be true that he did not expect such a small margin) he failed to choose his words carefully so when first a cuckoo then a lapwing were shot the trend on twitter was rightly #zommkelmtekjoseph and #closetheseason. No amount of pharisee stances on immigrant deaths would change that.

Why had he slipped? Well. He had chosen the word “flagrant” – and, no matter how many stooges he can send to provide a warped definition of the term in the hope that by the time Lilliput settles on the matter the hunting season will have come and gone, the terms meaning is blatantly evident to all. Flagrant does mean blatant, obvious, in your face. There is no implication of gravity or duration over time other than that the violation is so obvious and immediately so.

The latin term “in flagrante delicto” (caught red handed committing a crime) is where we all have got this expression. When you refer to an illegality and you tag the word flagrant you cannot be meaning anything else. Unless, of course, Muscat is prone to amnesia or short-sightedness – the dreaded curse of illegal hunters.

There is no way around this mess other than to admit that flagrant is what flagrant does. And close the damn season.

Addendum: Notes on a hunting season (The Hunter’s Runs)

  • Law: We still fail to understand the derogation and how it works. Nobody is asking what justification was given for this hunting season to open. What proof was given that the derogation criteria were fulfilled?
  • Work and Play: A postman and a bus driver. Gone are the gentlemen in tweed and their hounds. Classes aside, how far does hunting affect the employment industry? I happened to be in Gozo on the day of the referendum result. A young boy, not more than 12, approached a teacher of his who was dining at table with me. “Don’t expect me in school on Tuesday and Wednesday. I’ll be in the dura with dad.” That’s two schooldays and two workdays out of the economy. How many more of these stories?
  • High ground: It is stomach churning enough to see the bodies of the dead washed ashore following the migrant tragedy. It is even more disgusting to see the sudden moral stances being taken by many who had barely bothered with the issue before but who took to the ether to scold those speaking about the shot cuckoo and lapwing. It seems we must become a one-issue nation – for the convenience of a few.
  • Education: It strikes me that I learn what a lapwing looks like only after one is shot. If only all this energy were geared into bird spotting, bird watching and a greater national pride in caring and conserving for the birds that pass through this land. If only the hunter and his son who get up early to enjoy nature did so with a good camera, a thermos and a diary for spotting. Would it be so damn difficult not to have to pull the flipping trigger?

 We must plant the sea and herd its animals using the sea as farmers instead of hunters. That is what civilization is all about – farming replacing hunting. – Jacques-Yves Cousteau

 

Categories
Politics

Labour’s Bullshit Factory

bullshit_akkuzaThere’s no two ways about it. The only quirk in the Grand Theory of Labour’s Bullshit Factory is that Muscat seems to be resiliently surviving in the popularity stakes. The people still hang on to whatever fairy dust he can throw at them – and from the looks of it there is not much left. Labour supposedly had a well-oiled machine in the run up to the election. I say supposedly since no matter how many plaudits can be wasted on their “achievement” it still boils down to a PR stunt so big that one can only blame the gullible for having fallen for it hook, line and sinker. It did rely muchly on the idea that twenty-five years of nationalist government had given rise to much corruption and fit in nicely with the average Maltese voters penchant for martyrdom and self-pity that puts the Secret Policeman’s Ball to shame.

Two years into Labour government and when the words and charades fell apart we have a government that is mired in its own bullshit. We may have a 58c COLA increase but there are innumerable cheques that cannot be cashed (and I am not talking about the salaries given to the friends and friends of friends of taghnalkoll meritocracy dudes but about promises unfulfilled): Take Minister Joe Mizzi and his latest revelation that the public transport subsidy will have to rise to 23 million euros. It makes Manuel Delia’s fiasco suddenly look like a Nobel Prize Achievement. Not just that. This particular purveyor of champagne socialist bull has the gall to refuse to explain what effect this will have on the tariffs for the normal gentry who rely on such transport. Those who don’t (rely on such transport) have just been told that many of the roads they patronise (as in patrons) daily will be shut for works – presumably to be inaugurated in a couple of years’ time by a beaming Minister.

So Arriva was not THAT bad after all was it? Bar a few questionable choices regarding the use of bendy buses it seemed to work quite well. Turns out that Labour’s only interest was finding something else to urge the people to feel uncomfortable about – then they would mumble something about 51 proposals from another planet and everyone would think all would be hunky dory under Joseph. J’accuse never fell for that sales pitch (see That Bohemian Planet 51) because anybody with a head on their shoulders and a brain between their ears could smell the Labour party’s particular brand of bull a mile away.

Now what do we have? We have ministers toying with public safety, others playing around with our code of laws as though it were a restaurant menu that needs bringing up to date, we have obscure dealings with not so democratic and open nations, we have a refusal to be accountable in parliament, we have a mess of an energy program complete with a faffing minister who does all he can to divert attention, we have a transport fiasco about to blow up again and we have a never ending system of nepotistic and taghnalkoll appointments that is about as barefaced a raspberry to the all that bullshit about meritocracy and transparency.

Now do you see how ironic the Dr BS moniker actually is?

 

Categories
Energy Politics

Kliem il-Fieragħ

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“Mhux fjer. Korrotti. Ħbieb tal-Ħbieb. Issa jmiss lilna. Issa daqshekk. Roadmap. Tagħna lkoll. Gvern ta’ Kullħadd. Għal kullħadd. Tagħna lkoll. Neħilsu iċ-ċittadin mil-jasar u mit-tgħakkis tal-kontijiet. Tagħna lkoll. Tagħna lkoll.”

Xi krexxendo sabiħ. Ifjen mill-oħla kant tal-knejjes kattoliċi. Il-kant tal-emmna fejn il-kelma hija il-qofol ta’ kollox. Verbum Dei. Il-kelma issawret fl-imħażen tal-partit u twasslet ma’ l-erbat irjieħ mill-qaddejja tal-mexxej. Għax hekk isiru l-affarijiet. U sabet art għammiela fost ċittadini skuntenti u nibtet iż-żerriegħa tat-tama għax forsi xi darba jmiss lili wkoll. Għax għalhekk għammiela… għammiela bil-bżonnijiet ta’ l-individwi li x’iktarx jiġu ala bieb għajnhom mill-bżonn u ġid komuni.

Imma l-kelma tal-profeta mhix biżżejjed. Kelma torbot fid-dinja tal-irġiel, u l-irġulija tiswa mitqla deheb. Imma mhux dejjem. Jekk int kelmtek tiswa daqs l-arja li toħroġ minn fommok meta tlissinha u daqs dik l-istess arja togħsfor fl-eteru mingħajr ebda xkiel allura tibda titlef il-kredtu. U jekk kelmet il-profeta tal-abbundanza kienet li se jibni kastell fi żmien sentejn u li permezz ta’ dan il-kastell ser iraħħas u jtejjeb ħajjet kullħadd – allura jew tkun dik kelma soda u tajba, jewilla tkun kelma fiergħa.

U jekk biex jurina kemm hu tost u ċert (ċertissimu), il-profeta jaħlef pubblikament fuq it-televiżjoni illi jekk ma jsirux l-affarijiet skont kelmtu allura jwarrab, allura iktar u iktar nippretendu li jekk dak li ingħad li għandu jseħħ ma seħħx għandu iwarrab. Kwistjoni ta’ irġulija jekk xejn. Kwistjoni ta’ kelma li tiswa mitqla deheb. Kwistjoni li tibqa’ titqies ta’ bniedem serju u mhux ta’ bniedem tal-kelma fiergħa.

U x’jiġri jekk il-kastelli li bnejt ikunu biss kastelli fl-arja? X’tiswa iktar kelmtek meta tiċħad is-sewwa magħruf? X’tiswa int u x’jiswew ta’ madwarek jekk tibdew tagħżqu bi kliem iktar fieragħ u faċċjoliżmi minflok ma terfgħu responsabilta li tkunu irbatt ruħek biha?

Muscat kien qal li jirriżenja jekk ma jitlestiex il-power station sa’ Marzu tal-2015. Issa reġa bdielu. Jaf lil jekk lin-nies iwiegħdhom roħs fil-kontijiet – jiġri x’jiġri – jaf iżomm dik l-art għammiela bi kwieta ftit ieħor. Sadattant Mizzi intbagħat jagħżaq b’akkużi oħra dwar għemil il-gvern passat sabiex jiddevja ftit l-attenzjoni minn nuqqasijiet ta’ dak ta’ llum. Għax għadhom jaħsbu li n-nies ċwieċ. Għadhom jgħodduhom bħala boloħ, li basta twiegħdhom ftit ċejċa u jkunu lesti jaħfrulek li tkun gdibtilhom f’wiċċhom.

Għadu, Muscat, ixejrilna il-pipa ta’ Magritte f’wiċċna. Għadu jirkanta kelmtu għal dawk l-imzazen li lesti jixtru bl-irħis. U kull ma jmur dik il-kelma qed titlef il-valur.

Kull ma jmur il-votant qed jitgħallem dan Muscat fiex isarraf.

Categories
Citizenship Politics

In the end there was the Word

promises_akkuzaMinister Mallia will in all probability not resign. He went on record during the “secret” negotiations regarding the IIP scheme that should a residency requirement be included then he would resign from his ministerial position. We are not supposed to know about it  because the negotiations were secret but that secrecy, like virginity, cannot be regained so “Tant pis, monsieur ministre”.

Jason Azzopardi and Karol Aquilina both attest to Mallia’s promise. It would be their word against his, only Karol Aquilina is apparently in the habit of taking meticulous minutes (not like Mintoff’s Cabinet) and neither Owen Bonnici nor the directly interested person have denied Mallia’s promise to resign. Labour of course are trying to make a mountain out of the broken promise of secrecy – during their weekend conference they said that only a child “goes to tell mummy what daddy told him”. Which does beg the question about the kind of families Labour has in mind… but I digress.

The point is that the promise was made during negotiations. Negotiations are built on trust. You trust that the person before you means what he says and would back it up with the necessary action. There would be no point in negotiating if this element of trust went missing. If you do not deliver on what was agreed in negotiations – no matter how secretive they may have been – then you lose your trust rating. You become incredible. The wrong sort of incredible.

Much is being made of the fact that “lawyers are literal minded” and that they believe in “the rule of the law”. The focus though should not be on lawyers but on the diplomacy of politics – whatever the politician’s profession may be (and lets not forget that we now have former disc jockeys in diplomatic circles). Diplomacy is all about negotiation. You can be skillful through conviction or you can be successful through bartering and trade. In all cases you are expected to deliver on your word. Your word counts.

When the EU Commission was sold the idea of the IIP it was immediately clear that it had been given a particular idea of what the revised IIP would consist of. The wording of the first Commission position following the historic agreement included strong words such as “effective residency”. We still do not know whether the revised scheme itself, once made public, will be such as to conform to what the Commission was made to expect in those particular negotiations. Will Joseph Muscat and his Henley & Co. sidekicks (or is it vice-versa?) be true to the words they delivered in Brussels?

Back to Mallia. His position is rather untenable. He may cry foul about the fact that his promise behind the curtains of secrecy was suddenly made public. It does not change the tenor of what is actually happening with regard to the value of his word. Mallia’s position at any table of negotiation is now worthless. His reputation (and in Malta reputation is a big word that covers bloated marketing exercise of the “thick with experienced lawyers” kind) as a convincing criminal lawyer will no longer serve to cover the fact that his word is not worth anything. The opposition will rightly not be able to sit at any negotiating table that includes someone who fails to be true to his word.

When in opposition the Labour party would rant and rave about how the Nationalist Ministers would not resign whenever Labour deemed that it was time for them to go. In this case we have a Labour Minister who himself gave his word that should something happen he would resign. That something has happened. Or at least Joseph Muscat promised the Commission that it will happen. How valuable is the word of a politician? We’ll soon know.

In the beginning there was the word, now all we are left with are politicians.

In un paese pieno di coglioni ci mancano le palle. (reprise)

 

 

 

Categories
Campaign 2013

Promises and Plans (II) – Gozo

Simon Busuttil penned a good article in yesterday’s Times (Gozo on the parties’ agenda). This article is a clear illustration of the difference I have mentioned between empty promises and concrete proposals. Simon says (tee-hee) that the PN has concrete options for Gozo that can be contrasted to Labour’s vague promises of “increasing jobs and increasing tourism”. The difference lies in the fact that the PN is saying HOW it will bring about jobs. I know because I can list the promises here – so that should be proof enough of their existence:

  • tax breaks of up to  €200,000 over a three-year period to any new business that opens in Gozo employing a minimum of two people.
  • slash administrative fees of all Gozo businesses down to just 10 per cent of their total.
  •  efforts will continue to be made to incentivise cruise liners to berth in Gozo.
  • new measures will be taken to entice some of the more than half a million cruise passengers arriving at Grand Harbour to take a trip to Gozo.
  • to stimulate further investment in five-star hotels and to offer schemes that will help upgrade lower star hotels as well as farmhouses in Gozo.
  • Financial support will also be given to public events, typically opera, carnival and traditional events that can stimulate tourism in the shoulder months.
  • On their return, people spending at least one night in Gozo will pay the same ferry rate as Gozo residents.
  • Gozo will take a further step forwards in its devolution with the establishment of the Gozo Regional Council through an ad hoc law that will also formally establish Gozo as an island region in Malta.
  • a commitment to financing a final study on building a permanent link between Malta and Gozo with the intention of proceeding with the project subject to the outcome of the study.
  • There are other proposals too, such as further investment in road infrastructure, the establishment of a Business Park for crafts businesses and the completion of the Eco-Gozo initiative with a further focus on renewable energy and water catchment projects.
  • Committing 10 per cent of Malta’s share of EU funds to Gozo. This would be the third financial package for Gozo since we joined the EU in 2004. I reckon that, since then, EU funding in Gozo must have topped the €100 million.

I agree with Simon. It’s a mouthful. The proposals are there to be criticised and improved. Labour has not given us anything of this sort other than a show of hands about whether or not people want more work to be created in Gozo. There are some proposals above that need further analysis – how is the PN going to justify the tax breaks under EU law? It is important to read the difference between “to stimulate further investment” and “to invest” – they are not the same thing and the former depends on third parties. The Regional Council is a case of better late than never – it would be  good to see Labour adopting the general idea too (last time round Labour saw fit to even abolish Gozo’s ministry).

The point remains though. Concrete proposals vs managerial hogwash. Will Labour show us the money insofar as Gozo is concerned or are there “commercial interests” that need be protected here too?